Like many of my comrades of western feminismo, I went to Iran
obsessed with the veil, and a month later a month of
100-plus degree days draped under black polyester I
left, still obsessed with the veil. Hejab truly is annoying
but it is not everything. Iran is a country with democratic
elections and ruling clerics; poetry and pedicures. It is
a place where life's nectar love and spirits, humor
and irony exist en force, but only bloom behind closed
doors. If Eskimos have 20 words for snow, Iranians should
have 20 words for privacy. Making this program took great
diplomacy and the trust of many people in Iran. We thank them
for their openness, and thank Tara Bahrampour for writing
the following intro to her homeland
Holly
By
Tara Bahrampour
In 1979, Iran captured the world's attention when it overthrew
its shah and embarked upon an untested road toward Islamic
rule. Many who took part in the popular revolution hoped for
freedom of speech and a democracy that had long been denied
them. But as the new republic slipped into a costly eight-year
war with Iraq, virulent political infighting, and isolation
from the west, many Iranians despaired of seeing their country
pull itself out of its political and economic woes, let alone
approach the high hopes of the revolution.
During much of the last two decades, Iran was a dangerous
place to voice dissent or push for human rights in
some ways, it still is. But in recent years, especially
since 1997, when the country elected Mohammad Khatami, a
moderate cleric, as president, the revolution has matured.
Conservatives and reformers continue to battle for political
power, free speech is by no means protected, and Iran still
has no official diplomatic relations with its ally-turned-enemy,
the United States. But Iran today is a society in the midst
of transformation. A generation has passed since the revolution,
and social and political debate flourishes, offering unique
perspectives on everything from dress to democracy to radicalism
to rock and roll.
Contradictions Rule
Iranian
women in particular feel the rumblings as the country's
political and cultural landscape shifts. Their lives are
racked with contradictions. They must hide their bodies,
yet their voices are starting to be heard. By law, women
must cover themselves in scarves and long coats an
outfit many would not choose. While more traditional women
opt for the all-encompassing chador, many modern women wear
the latest Western fashions underneath their coats. Women
have to cover their hair, it's true, but they also drive
cars, own companies, run newspapers, direct films, teach
yoga classes and compete in sports. For many, the hejab
is a necessary inconvenience, one they hope will fade with
the mellowing of the regime.
Iranian law does not always offer parity to women
men enjoy more rights in certain areas, like custody and
inheritance. But women play an active, often pivotal role
in social and political life; they were key, for instance,
in the election and recent reelection of President Khatami.
Female lawyers and journalists are vocal advocates of women's
rights and more women hold high political posts and places
in the university than at any time in Iran's history, including
the Shah's era. Interestingly, one reason for women's advances
in education is the Islamification of schools that took
place after the revolution. Traditional families who might
not have sent their daughters to co-ed classrooms now send
them to sex-segregated schools where an Islamic curriculum
is emphasized. The result: well over half of university
students are now women.
Revolution
Revised
Contrasts
like these abound across the country. In remote villages,
life is centered around the farm and the mosque, young people
are married by parental decree, and modern luxuries are
few. In Tehran, students demonstrate for more freedoms,
artists test cultural and political boundaries, families
ski on the nearby slopes, and teenagers flock to malls and
Internet cafes. (A number of these were closed recently,
after the government-run telephone company realized people
were using the Internet to make cheap long-distance calls.
However, the cafes seem to open as fast as they are shut,
and for many Iranians, the Internet is an invaluable link
to the outside world.) Tehran is the heartbeat of Iran's
social consciousness, artistic creativity and political
and economic power. Here, intellectuals discuss politics
in coffee shops (but not in bars; alcohol is strictly forbidden),
mullahs lead thousands in weekly prayers, and men and women
gather in apartments for clandestine dance parties.
Many of Iran's recent reforms have been bolstered by the
large percentage of Iranians born since the revolution.
With more than half of the population under age 25 and the
voting age set at 15, the youth have a powerful voice, one
that helped give President Khatami his unexpected landslide
victory in 1997 and his sweeping reelection this year. Less
scarred than their parents by the traumatic and polarizing
war and revolution, the new generation seems more
interested in normalizing their lives than engaging in "radical"
politics. Indeed, in the context of the Islamic republic's
history, many consider lobbying for more openness to the
West or pushing for more relaxed social laws (e.g., the
right to have coffee with a member of the opposite sex)
as more radical than the threadbare "Death to America!"
demonstrations promoted by the religious right.
One Step Forward?
As
reformers and conservatives continue their political tug-of-war,
the outcome of Iran's experiment in religious democracy
remains unclear. One year there might be scores of outspoken
independent newspapers for sale; the next year most of them
may be banned. In one week you might hear of young people
jailed for listening to Western music but allowed to hold
pro-reform campus rallies (the following week, the protesters
might be arrested.) Views of the nation's progress are rarely
simple; it's common to hear people praise the revolution
while disparaging the current regime. Some worry the reformers
are leading Iran away from its revolutionary ideals; others
complain that Khatami's government has not gone far enough
with its reforms. Debate will continue as the country works
to solve its economic problems and define its domestic mandate
and its place in the world. But despite the hurdles ahead,
the fact that so many people are engaged in this debate
is a positive sign, an inching toward the goals of a revolution
that, from its inception, sought to lay more power in the
hands of the people.
Tara Bahrampour is the author of To See and See Again:
A Life in Iran and America. She has written about Iran
for The New York Times, The New Republic and
Travel and Leisure. She lived in Iran until she was
11 and has been back several times since leaving in 1979.
Her father is Iranian and her mother is American.