Visit Your Local PBS Station PBS Home PBS Home Programs A-Z TV Schedules Watch Video Donate Shop PBS Search PBS
HEAVEN ON EARTH: THE RISE AND FALL OF SOCIALISM
Home The Film The Timeline Leaders and Thinkers Resources For Teachers
 
Karl Marx, author of Das Kapital and The Communist Manifesto
 
Synopsis Watch Video Transcript Interviews Credits Production Team DVD / Book
 

HOUR 1: THE RISE

INTRODUCTION
ROBERT OWEN & UTOPIAN SOCIALISM
MARX AND ENGELS: BIRTH OF A MANIFESTO
EDUARD BERNSTEIN & A CRISIS OF FAITH
LENIN & THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION
SAMUEL GOMPERS & AMERICAN LABOR
CANADIAN SOCIALISM

HOUR 2: REVOLUTIONS

INTRODUCTION
MUSSOLINI & FASCISM
CHINA & THE SPREAD OF COMMUNISM
CLEMENT ATTLEE & SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
THE KIBBUTZ
JULIUS NYERERE & THIRD WORLD SOCIALISM
GREAT BRITAIN IN THE 1970s
THE KIBBUTZ PART II
TANZANIA'S UJAMAA VILLAGES

HOUR 3: THE COLLAPSE

INTRODUCTION
GORBACHEV & REFORM
DENG XIAOPING & MODERNIZATION
GORBACHEV & REVOLUTION
TONY BLAIR & NEW LABOUR
THE FUTURE OF SOCIALISM
THE KIBBUTZ PART III

HEAVEN ON EARTH: THE RISE AND FALL OF SOCIALISM
A THINK TANK SPECIAL

HOUR 1: THE RISE

FUNDERS:
NARRATOR: Funding for this program was made possible by…

PFIZER NARRATOR: At Pfizer, we're spending over five billion dollars looking for the cures of the future. We have 12,000 scientists and health experts who firmly believe the only thing incurable is our passion. Pfizer, life is our life's work.

NARRATOR: Additional funding was provided by…
The Bernard and Irene Schwartz Foundation
The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation
The D&D Foundation
The Smith Richardson Foundation
The Donner Canadian Foundation
The John M. Olin Foundation
The Rickettts Family Foundation
The Fleischer Foundation
And by…The Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

NARRATOR: It was one of the most powerful political ideas in history, a new faith for a skeptical age. It promised a world of harmony and abundance - if only property were shared by all and distributed equally. The idea was called "socialism," and it spread farther and faster than any religion in history. Then, in almost the blink of an eye, it all collapsed.

What happened? In this series, we trace the rise and fall of an idea that changed the world - an idea that promised a heaven right here on earth.

BEN WATTENBERG
HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG
Hello, I'm Ben Wattenberg. The early nineteenth century brought with it a belief in unbounded human progress. Old beliefs based on religion and superstition were abandoned in favor of new ones grounded in science and rational thought. One of these ideas was called socialism.

In the first hour of Heaven On Earth: a British reformer creates a model utopia on the American frontier. Soon two German philosophers recast the idea as prophecy, arguing that socialism is the world's destiny. As the twentieth century begins, a Russian revolutionary sets out to fulfill the prophecy at any cost - while peaceful reformers across Europe and North America respond very differently to socialism's call.

And so we begin, in America. The United States is not yet 50 years old. Land in the west is plentiful, a magnet to new settlers - and new ideas.

THE RISE: ROBERT OWEN & UTOPIAN SOCIALISM

NARRATOR: A great experiment was unfolding on the banks of the Wabash River. It was called New Harmony, and it would be a community of equality, heralding a new way of life and, eventually, a new kind of world. Its founder was a British industrialist named Robert Owen, and his followers would soon coin a name for his vision: "socialism."

When Robert Owen arrived in America he was already famous for his progressive ideas. His cotton mill in New Lanark, Scotland was the most heralded industrial enterprise of its day. He shortened working hours, restricted child labor and even provided sick pay. And Owen not only cared about how his two thousand employees worked - he cared about how they lived.

CONNIE WEINZAPFEL
DIRECTOR, HISTORIC NEW HARMONY
Owen had a…a list of rules for the people who lived in the housing of New Lanark how often they had to put out their trash, how often they had to bathe, when people needed to be home at night. The fact that they couldn't be publicly drunk. They had to spend time with their families, those kinds of things.

NARRATOR: Education was a key part of Owen's reforms. Rather than putting his employees' children to work in the factory, he put them in school. He also created the first preschool in the United Kingdom. It was part of what he called the Institute for the Formation of Character.

Owen was developing a theory of human nature that would remain one of the fundamental ideas of socialism. It would resurface again and again.

DONALD PITZER
UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN INDIANA
EDITOR, AMERICA'S COMMUNAL UTOPIAS
He felt you could actually mold human character and he, in fact, said, "it is of all truths, the most important that man's character is made for, not by himself." So he's an environmental determinist and he believes that if you can begin virtually at birth and have this child in a superior environment then you will, through education and liberation of this person's intellect and spirit, you will actually produce a perfect character.

GARETH STEDMAN JONES
UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
AUTHOR, LANGUAGES OF CLASS: STUDIES IN ENGLISH WORKING CLASS HISTORY 1832-1982
He called this the second coming of the truth. I think he really did believe he was the second Messiah that he had come, unlike Jesus who could only tell the truth in parables, Owen on the other hand could actually say the literal truth because he had the science.

NARRATOR: People took Owen seriously. When he arrived in America in 1825, a joint session of Congress was convened to hear his ideas. Before an audience that included President James Monroe and president-elect John Quincy Adams, Owen announced he had purchased an entire village in Indiana. There he would further the work begun at New Lanark. But this time, his community would be one of true equality.

NARRATOR: Harmonie, Indiana was founded a decade earlier as a different kind of commune: a religious one. Owen bought it from George Rapp, the charismatic leader of a sect of German Lutherans who were pulling up stakes to follow one of Rapp's visions. They left behind 160 buildings and some 30 thousand acres of fertile land.

CONNIE WEINZAPFEL
DIRECTOR, HISTORIC NEW HARMONY
If you think of Indiana at that time period it was the wilderness. And here in the middle of the wilderness you had this beautiful town of brick and clapboard houses, a magnificent cruciform church in the middle of town in the commons. It was very sophisticated. It was called "The Athens of the West" at that time.

NARRATOR: On April 27, 1825, Robert Owen welcomed 800 eager arrivals to the town he had re-christened New Harmony. One group in particular was attracted to New Harmony: intellectuals. The village soon became a center of progressive thought and experiment.

CONNIE WEINZAPFEL
DIRECTOR, HISTORIC NEW HARMONY
You had education at all levels, from infant to adult education. You had a newspaper being published. You had natural scientists out exploring environs of New Harmony and beyond, creating natural science books to show people about the wonderful new species they're finding in the Midwest. You had people lecturing about equal rights for women. You had people lecturing about abolition. This was in 1827, 1828.

NARRATOR: To coincide with the fiftieth anniversary of the Declaration of Independence in July 1826, Owen issued what he saw as the next step in the liberation of humankind: "The Declaration of Mental Independence." From here forward, he proclaimed, man was free from the trinity of evils responsible for all the world's misery and vice: traditional religion, conventional marriage … and private property.

The last of these was key: the quest to do away with private property would animate socialism for the next 150 years.

IAN DONNACHIE
THE OPEN UNIVERSITY IN SCOTLAND
AUTHOR, ROBERT OWEN: OWEN OF NEW LANARK AND NEW HARMONY
I think that Robert Owen arrived slowly at the conclusion that it was individual property and individual profit that was in a sense undermining the opportunities to create a new society. That inequalities, in society were created by inequalities in the ownership of property and in the ownership of wealth and profit.

Owen couldn't quite bring himself to turn over ownership of his property to the community-but people did get to live there for free. It was not the most efficient system. One New Harmony member named Paul Brown wrote that "even salads were deposited in the store, to be handed out-making ten thousand unnecessary steps, and causing them to come to the tables in a wilted deadened state." Before long, many members were losing their enthusiasm for the experiment.

CONNIE WEINZAPFEL
DIRECTOR, HISTORIC NEW HARMONY
In the end, I think one of the problems in New Harmony was that it was a big group of idealists in one place. In a very isolated place they spent a lot of time thinking about the ideal of the perfect community. Ultimately you had a lot of thinkers and not enough doers.

NARRATOR: The work simply didn't get done. Before long, industries that had thrived under George Rapp's followers were either sputtering or out of business altogether. After two years, several reorganizations and seven different constitutions, Owen's great experiment collapsed.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Owen had a very hard time acknowledging that there was a failure at New Harmony, and through a period of many months when everyone around him including his sons was saying, "Things are falling apart." Owen was saying, "Things are going great here." But eventually he couldn't keep up that pretense any longer because, well, everyone was leaving (laughing). And so Owen found a kind of alibi, I think, in blaming the people who came to New Harmony as being poor human material for his experiment.

NARRATOR: Owen's son Robert Dale stayed at New Harmony after its collapse. He had a different assessment of his father's experiment.

He wrote, "All cooperative schemes which provide equal remuneration to the skilled and industrious and the ignorant and idle, must work their own downfall, for by this unjust plan … they must of necessity eliminate the valuable members … and retain only the improvident, unskilled, and vicious."

Despite the failure of New Harmony and other early attempts to put socialism into practice, the idea continued to generate great excitement. Soon two philosophers would take utopian hope and turn it into faith, by arguing that socialism was not only desirable-it was inevitable.

THE RISE: MARX AND ENGELS: BIRTH OF A MANIFESTO

MUSIC: O happy time, when all mankind shall competition's evil see; and seek with one united mind the blessings of community.

NARRATOR: Back in England, Robert Owen and his followers were building gathering places for the socialist faithful. They called them "Halls of Science." Each week thousands of adherents of Owen's New Moral World flocked there seeking inspiration.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Even though they proclaimed earnestly that they had contempt for all religion, every Sunday they would all gather and bring their families there. But they didn't call them services; they called them "meetings." And then someone would get up in the front and do something that sounded like a sermon, but they called it a "lecture." And then they would all sing from a special, book of socialist hymns, except they wouldn't sing about God and goodness, they would sing about equality and brotherhood.

NARRATOR: In 1843, the Manchester congregation included a twenty-two-year-old German journalist and radical named Friedrich Engels. For a young man rebelling against the faith of his parents, the services held a great appeal.

MANFRED STEGER
ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE QUEST FOR EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM: EDUARD BERNSTEIN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
Engels was a bit of a rebel. I think he was the typical frat boy in many ways. He was very interested in the military. He was interested in sports. He loved pubs, he loved women. But he was also an intellectual. He was in many ways the kind of person you would immediately recognize as a leader and as somebody people would congregate around.

NARRATOR: Back in Germany Engels had fallen in with a radical crowd - and his father was desperate to get him away from the bad influence of his friends.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
His father gets this idea that he should send Fred off to England, to Manchester, where the family business had a branch. And much to his relief, Fred agrees. Little does Dad know that Fred and his radical associates have come to the conclusion that the revolution is going to break out in England, and Fred is desperate to be there to be part of the action.

NARRATOR: Once in Manchester, Engels threw himself into writing what would become a famous study of the English working class during the Industrial Revolution.

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
It was a very grim picture. I mean workers in the 1840s in England lived miserable lives. They lived in squalid conditions. They worked sixteen, eighteen hours a day. Child labor, female labor was incredibly common. Disease was rampant. The living standards were just below probably what we would even expect in many underdeveloped countries. It was a miserable, miserable time.

MANFRED STEGER
ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE QUEST FOR EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM: EDUARD BERNSTEIN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
Engels saw that the working class was miserable and at the same time, he was also envisioning a sort of salvation of the working class in terms of history providing a fertile ground for revolution. He understood that the workers, sooner or later, would understand that history was working in their favor and, therefore, history would radicalize them and by being radicalized, workers would no longer passively see themselves as victims of capitalism but would actively seek to change it.

NARRATOR: Engels was soon contributing to Owen's New Moral World and other radical publications. Among them was a newspaper edited by a man who had once been part of young Fred's circle of college radicals back in Germany: the 25-year-old Karl Marx.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Marx starting very young was very charismatic. He had this forbidding style and this great genius for theoretics. Where other people saw a meaning, Marx could see a meaning within a meaning behind a meaning and then a bigger meaning. And his colleagues would just look at him awestruck and say, "This is our great genius who can figure it all out."

NARRATOR: Marx had little use for the ideas of his colleagues. But one of Engels' articles caught his eye. The two men began corresponding, and in the summer of 1844, they arranged to meet in Paris. It was the beginning of one of the most intellectually fruitful partnerships in history.

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
Marx was the prophet. His personality and his nature made him a flamboyant and charismatic figure. And Engels was very willing to defer to that. But Engels' early work and early research really provides much of the foundation upon which Marxism is later built. And Engels of course also supports Marx not only through his research but financially and psychologically. And so without Engels in any number of ways Marxism would never have come to be.

In January 1848, students and workers took to the streets of Palermo. By February the revolt had spread to Paris. Soon nearly fifty uprisings engulfed the European continent from Russia to the English Channel. Marx and Engels rushed home to Germany to join the barricades. They had just finished writing a platform for a workers' organization based in London. The pamphlet would become known as the Communist Manifesto. The Manifesto's timing would forever link it to revolution, adding to its mystique.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
For Marx and Engels, the heart of the system of capitalism was exploitation. As they saw it, the workers were the ones who were creating the things that were coming out of the factories, but the capitalists were the ones who were keeping most of the profits. What they talked about were "the means of production," the Marxist term for the machinery, the factories and whatever else you might have. And this was terribly unjust, and the only way to rectify it was for the workers to get together and take the factories away from the capitalists so that they could have the complete benefit of the products that they themselves were creating.

NARRATOR: The Communist Manifesto predicted that as capitalism progressed, the working class would become so large and so poor that revolution would be inevitable. The result: socialism, a new workers' state where people contributed according to their ability and received according to their need. In time, government itself would become unnecessary and give way to a new stateless society Marx and Engels called "communism."

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
What Marx and Engels said was, "Don't worry; what ever happens to you, no matter how miserable your lives are, no matter how desperate your political struggle seems, history's working its way towards this outcome." And that's what gives Marxism its incredible force.

NARRATOR: Many socialists bought the argument. The Communist Manifesto would go on to become one of the most influential pamphlets ever published, with translations in every major European language by the turn of the century.

NARRATOR: But the Manifesto was just a summary. Marx soon set to work on a volume that would lay out a comprehensive theory of socialism. In 1851, Marx wrote to Engels that he hoped to finish it in five weeks. But five weeks grew into five years, and then another and another five. All the while, Marx depended almost entirely on Engels for financial support.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
The one time Marx went out and got an actual job was as a correspondent for the New York Tribune newspaper, but he didn't speak English and so he couldn't write the articles himself. Engels did speak English and he got Engels to ghostwrite the articles for a number of years until he got his own English up to a level where he could write some himself.

NARRATOR: It took Marx nearly 20 years to finish his masterwork. In 1867, the first volume of Das Kapital was finally complete, with more volumes promised. The book would soon be hailed as a breakthrough in political and economic thought.

MANFRED STEGER
ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE QUEST FOR EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM: EDUARD BERNSTEIN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
In the scientific tenor of the time-after all we have to understand that we're talking about the nineteenth century here-Marx had accomplished, at least in the mind of many socialists, what Darwin had accomplished for biology. He had laid bare the development of economic laws that were at work in capitalism, and in that sense he had revealed the motor of the history-economic development.

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
And it is to Marx still that we owe this kind of economic view of history, as seeing people as sort of players in a drama in which economic forces are primary and classes more than individuals as the kind of motor force of history.

NARRATOR: Engels survived Marx by twelve years. Thanks in large part to his public relations work, Marxism spread to workers' movements in Germany and across Europe.

But by the time Engels died in 1895, many of the more perceptive socialists were beginning to notice a crack in Marxist doctrine.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
By the end of the nineteenth century, Marxist theory has been around for about fifty years. But it's not coming true. The workers are not getting poorer and they're not becoming revolutionary. And at that point there's sort of a choice. You can say, "Well, I'm for the workers and never mind the revolution, but we'll try to make things a little better a step at a time." Or you can say, "I'm for the revolution. That's what's gonna give us the glorious new society and if the workers aren't gonna make the revolution, why - we'll find someone else to make it."

NARRATOR: As the nineteenth century drew to a close, two very different men would step up to make the case for each of these options. It would rupture the movement in two.

THE RISE: EDUARD BERNSTEIN & A CRISIS OF FAITH

NARRATOR: The rapid rise of socialism in Germany frightened the country's rulers. In 1878, Chancellor Otto von Bismark outlawed all socialist activities, driving many members of the Social Democratic Party into exile. Among them was a young bank clerk named Eduard Bernstein. He soon became editor of the Party's clandestine newspaper-first in Switzerland and then in London.

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
When Bernstein goes to England he becomes acquainted with Marx and Engels. And Marx and Engels become very enamored of him. And after Marx dies Engels asks Bernstein if he will put together from Marx' notes a fourth volume of Capital. And when Engels dies, he also is asked to be one of the executors of Engels' will. So he was clearly very closely tied to Marx and Engels and seen in the period after their death as one of the most important international socialists.

NARRATOR: But Bernstein lived in very different era from that of his mentors. Standards of living were changing - just not in the way Karl Marx had predicted. It wasn't long before Bernstein began to question his Marxist faith.

MANFRED STEGER
ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE QUEST FOR EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM: EDUARD BERNSTEIN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
I think that he thought that capitalism was evolving along the lines of becoming more and more inclusive of the working class and he had some empirical evidence which showed the working class was not getting poorer. and it showed that, therefore, the Marxist vision-somehow something was wrong with it.

NARRATOR: Bernstein decided he had to face his doubts. He wrote: "This cannot go on. It is idle to try to reconcile the irreconcilable. What is necessary is to become clear just where Marx is right and where he is wrong."

NARRATOR: Bernstein's critique became known as "revisionism," and it stirred up an urgent debate among socialists around the world.

MANFRED STEGER
ILLINOIS STATE UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE QUEST FOR EVOLUTIONARY SOCIALISM: EDUARD BERNSTEIN AND SOCIAL DEMOCRACY
Bernstein said that "what usually is understood to be the final goal of socialism is nothing to me, the movement is everything." That really caused consternation in the Party. Because people thought that Bernstein had given up the great goal. And the great goal of socialism, as we know, of course, was the breakdown of capitalism. And Bernstein was no longer interested in or did no longer believe in the breakdown of capitalism. And if that's the case, then Bernstein actually was no longer a Marxist socialist, and if that's the case, it's as though the Pope in Rome was no longer a Catholic.

NARRATOR: Thousands of miles away, a 29-year-old Siberian exile was carefully following the debate. His eventual response to Bernstein's criticisms would forever change the face of socialism. His name: Vladimir Illyich Ulyanov, better known by his nom de guerre, Lenin.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
Lenin was, first of all, probably Russia's most exuberant workaholic in a country that did not have a work ethic. He was enormously hard working. He was enormously smart. He had supreme self-confidence and a belief that he really knew what was right for everybody and particularly, for the future of his country.

NARRATOR: When Vladimir was 17, his older brother Sasha was executed for plotting to assassinate Tsar Alexander III. It was the beginning of his own path to revolutionary action.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY,
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
After he got to the university, he took part in a demonstration which was not political, it was directed against some regulations of the university. When he was arrested and it was discovered that he was the younger brother of the executed terrorist, he was expelled from the university. And he was a top student. So he had to spend several years in idleness.

NARRATOR: Vladimir was banished to his family's country estate. There he began to explore the stacks of radical literature his executed brother had left behind.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
He read various Russian revolutionaries, he read Karl Marx, and began to come to the conclusion that it was just as important as his brother had thought to create a new sociadl system for Russia. That revolutionaries had to learn to toughen themselves, to make themselves into heroes who were going to give their all to save Russia, something like his brother had done.

NARRATOR: Vladimir's radical activity would land him in deeper trouble with the law. By the time he heard about Eduard Bernstein's writings nearly a decade later, he was in exile yet again-this time in Siberia. His life now revolved around one goal: revolution.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Lenin was an individual who was often in a state of rage. That was his personality. But he was infuriated by Bernstein, but unlike a lot of the others, Lenin in effect realized that Bernstein was right. That the workers were not becoming revolutionary.

NARRATOR: When Lenin returned from exile, his younger brother met him at the train station. Dmitri Ulyanov would later recall the first topic on his brother's lips: the need to refute Bernstein. Lenin soon laid out a radically different idea of what to do if the workers wouldn't make the revolution.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
Lenin developed quite early on what I would call a politics based on the absence of trust. If you can't then trust the workers to make a revolution whom can you trust? And Lenin said the only people you can trust are full-time, professional revolutionaries like himself who will make a revolution in the name of the people.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK: Lenin in effect said, "Heck with the workers. The revolution is everything." Except Lenin wasn't quiet that honest. He didn't say, "Heck with the workers." He said, "We'll have to discover the vanguard of the workers, or of the proletariat, and that will be, well, me and my pals. And we'll make the revolution for the workers."

NARRATOR: For Lenin, this was more than just a theory. In 1900, he left for Europe to start an underground newspaper: Iskra, or "Spark," to ignite a new revolutionary movement in Russia.

THE RISE: LENIN & THE BOLSHEVIK REVOLUTION

NARRATOR: In the summer of 1914, fifty years of peace in Europe came to a bloody end. Soon the entire continent was mired in the fiercest conflict the world had yet seen. The Great War hit Russia particularly hard.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
There was a breakdown of transport. There was inflation. And in the northern cities, particularly the capital city of St. Petersburg-or Petrograd as it was then called-there were great shortages in food and fuel. So the winter was very, very harsh.

NARRATOR: By early 1917, the ground was crumbling beneath the Tsarist regime. As Russian troops battled Germany in the west, strikes and protests spread across the country. Then, in Petrograd, a group of soldiers mutinied. It was the beginning of what became known as the February Revolution. To prevent a similar uprising on the front, the Tsar abdicated the throne. Power fell into the hands of a liberal Provisional Government.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
There was a kind of chaos and anarchy that grew very quickly in Russia after the February revolution, after the emperor had abdicated. Land was being seized by peasants. Little villages, were declaring their independence, and sewing their own flags. And you have the idea that whatever the bonds, the glue, that will hold a society together, fear, loyalty, tradition, it somehow melted away and evaporated with Russia crumbling into the smallest parts.

NARRATOR: Many Russian socialists welcomed the new liberal government. But not Lenin. He had lived in exile in Europe for most of the past 15 years, sometimes traveling in disguise. All the while, he had worked to strengthen and arm a new party in Russia: the Bolsheviks-even ordering bank robberies and extortion to finance party activities. Now he saw the chance he had been waiting for.

NARRATOR: On October 25, 1917 the Bolsheviks struck. This is a later Soviet reenactment of Lenin's men storming the Winter Palace in St. Petersburg.

In reality, the Revolution was much less dramatic. The Provisional Government yielded with little bloodshed. Many didn't expect the new regime to hold on to power any longer than the Provisional government had.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
When Lenin and the Bolsheviks seized power they really were a tiny minority. And almost immediately, Russia, the Bolshevik regime found itself involved, embroiled in a civil war. Which it won militarily but it also won because the Bolsheviks had been very successful in their use of propaganda to win what we might nowadays call the 'hearts and minds' of the Russian people.

NARRATOR: Through posters, leaflets and speeches, Lenin tried to convince Russians of just who were the enemies of the people-and who were their saviors. But Lenin didn't stop with propaganda. The enemies of the people were marked for retribution-including priests, rich peasants and political opponents. Lenin began with Nicholas II, the last Tsar to reign over Russia.

SIGN: "Death to the bourgeoisie. Long live the red terror"

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
Him, his wife, their five children, their doctor, their servants were all massacred. Then their bodies were cut up and burned and then what remained was buried in a shaft, which was only discovered a few years ago. Then in August of 1918 a revolutionary who felt that Lenin had betrayed the Russians took two shots at him-wounded him, almost fatally, whereupon Lenin and his henchmen agreed to carry out Red Terror. This was a terrible thing.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
People were taken out of prison where they were political prisoners, who had never been tried, they'd done nothing against the Bolsheviks and were just summarily shot. This shooting went on, hundred of people shot at night,

NARRATOR: Many others found themselves banished to forced labor camps. Under Joseph Stalin, the system would become known as the Gulag.

ANNE APPLEBAUM
THE WASHINGTON POST
AUTHOR, GULAG
A part of the Red Terror was a gathering of all opposition members into concentration camps outside of major cities. And these were the very first camps and it was from these camps that the entire Gulag system developed. So they are very much a precursor for what came later in Stalin's time.

NARRATOR: The Tsar had been reviled as a tyrant for executing a handful of violent radicals. Under Lenin and his followers, millions would die at the hands of the state. 105.

ANNE APPLEBAUM
THE WASHINGTON POST
AUTHOR, GULAG
It's difficult to calculate how many people came to die under Lenin's system and then Stalin's system. Because there were so many different ways to die. There were people who died in camps, there were people who died because they were machine-gunned down in the woods, there were people who died because they were deported, there were people who died in artificial famines. Um when you begin to put the numbers together you get number statistics in the tens of millions.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
Lenin in general had no sympathy for human beings such as they were. He believed, as did others, that through education, legislation, you can make people not want to own things. You create new human beings. So the existing human race was so rotten that killing them was actually progressive.

NARRATOR: Amidst terror and war, Lenin was building a system of government unlike any seen before. Along with the old regime, Russia's capitalist industries, the banks and the church were all completely destroyed. Replacing them all was a single institution: the party.

Most of the Bolsheviks had no experience in business or administration. Yet they drew up a plan to manage a country with the world's fifth largest economy and its third largest population. The results were a far cry from "heaven on earth."

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
By 1920 in some ways you can say that civil society and civilization had stopped. There was massive famine. The industry had broken down. The railroads stopped working. The economy had fallen apart. And people were really reverting to the most primitive kind of bartering; massive loss of life. It was a nightmare.

NARRATOR: By now Russia was officially known as the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The Bolsheviks now called themselves Communists. That term had long been interchangeable with socialism. But it took on a very new meaning as Lenin broke all ties with the rest of the world's socialists and formed a new international movement. He had big plans for his revolution.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
Well, Lenin said more than once that he never believed that the revolution could be confined to Russia. No, the revolution had to spread. It had to spread to the industrial countries of the West: first of all, Germany, Great Britain, ultimately the United States and so on.

THE RISE: SAMUEL GOMPERS & AMERICAN LABOR

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
In the Marxist scheme of things the most advanced capitalist country was the one that was supposed to be transformed first, and that was the United States of America. But ironically, socialism never gained the popularity in America that it gained in almost all other countries. Basically because its main constituency or supposed constituency, the working class, the labor unions simply didn't accept it. They wrestled with it for a while and then rejected it

NARRATOR: In America, the split between trade unions and socialists goes all the way back to the very beginnings of the organized labor movement in the late nineteenth century.

NARRATOR: Spurred by Marx and Engels, workers' movements across Europe were gaining strength - and most were embracing socialism as their guiding philosophy. In America, too, workers were organizing. But they would choose a very different path - led by a straight-talking cigarmaker named Samuel Gompers.

MICHAEL KAZIN
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, POPULIST PERSUASION: AN AMERICAN HISTORY
The irony about Sam Gompers was that he was a Marxist who formed an anti-Marxist trade union. Gompers was born in a poor family in London and moved to the United States in his teens. Becomes a skilled cigar maker, and all this time he is a socialist. He's reading Marx. He's reading Engels. He's reading other classics of European socialism and he believes that the best way to organize workers, to demand their emancipation the best way to achieve socialism, is by making the trade unions themselves stronger.

NARRATOR: Gompers rejected the idea that workers needed radical intellectuals to help them achieve their goals. "I saw that betterment for workingmen must come primarily through workingmen," he wrote. "I saw the danger of entangling alliances with intellectuals who did not understand that to experiment with the labor movement was to experiment with human life."

Gompers and his allies favored something called "pure and simple unionism." It meant using strikes and boycotts to fight for better pay and benefits rather than taking political action to create a whole new system.

In 1886 Gompers helped found the American Federation of Labor, uniting individual unions across the country. As the AFL's first president, his salary would be less than he earned rolling cigars.Gompers' leadership of American workers would be challenged by socialists within and without the AFL. In 1901, some of these socialists came together to form the Socialist Party of America. At the party's helm was a rival labor leader, a railway man named Eugene V. Debs.

MICHAEL KAZIN
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, POPULIST PERSUASION: AN AMERICAN HISTORY
Debs is a fascinating figure because he's one of the perennial candidates who runs for office many times and is more popular than, than the party he runs with. He runs for president five times as a Socialist Party candidate. He achieves at most six percent of the vote, which he gets in 1912. But he's an enormously, popular, charismatic figure. Much more than Gompers ever was.

GRACE PALLADINO
CO-EDITOR, THE SAMUEL GOMPERS PAPERS
Originally Gompers had hoped he and Debs would work together. Um, but he, he… ended up calling Debs the apostle of failure. He was involved with the utopian socialist program. Then he was involved with the Western Labor Union, then the American Labor Union, and then the IWW. And Gompers felt any attempt to organize a rival trade union was in effect doing the employers job

NARRATOR: By 1903, the American Federation of Labor represented more than one and a half million union members and was becoming a force to be reckoned with in American life. At that year's AFL convention, Gompers forever parted ways with his old allies:

"I want to tell you Socialists," he said, "that I have studied your philosophy … I have kept close watch upon your doctrines for thirty years; have been closely associated with many of you, … And I want to say that I am entirely at variance with your philosophy … Economically, you are unsound; socially you are wrong; industrially, you are an impossibility."

Despite Gompers' opposition, the Socialist Party continued to gain strength. Surprisingly, the party drew more support from farmers than from industrial workers. One of the greatest centers of socialist support was Oklahoma. Eugene Debs won more than 16 percent of the presidential vote there in 1912.

But America's entry to World War I brought a turning point for the Party.

MICHAEL KAZIN
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, POPULIST PERSUASION: AN AMERICAN HISTORY
In World War I, socialists in this country and around the world had to decide: will they support their individual nations in the war, or will they support the international socialist brotherhood and oppose the war of workers against other workers? And the American socialist party, unlike the European socialist parties, decides to oppose the U.S. government and to oppose World War I. And most trade unionists, Gompers as their leader, support the war.

GRACE PALLADINO
CO-EDITOR, THE SAMUEL GOMPERS PAPERS
The more moderate socialists leave the party, um, and actually work with Gompers in the AFL. The more radical socialists start speaking out against the war and they are arrested. Eugene Debs gets arrested in 1918, gets sentenced to ten years in jail, and by the time he comes out of jail in 1921, when he's pardoned, the Socialist Party is pretty much a shell.

NARRATOR: The Party would never regain its prewar strength, not even during the Great Depression. Gompers and the American Federation of Labor - later the AFL-CIO - had won out as the principal voice of America's workers.

MICHAEL KAZIN
GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, POPULIST PERSUASION: AN AMERICAN HISTORY
In many ways Americanism proved to be a substitute for socialism for a lot of workers. After all, Americanism has always stood for the average person being able to make it, that the American standard of living is something that all Americans should be able to enjoy. And so the idea of class equality is something that undergirded the strength of socialism in Europe but it's always been part of the American vision, as well. So in many ways Americanism trumped socialism and made socialism unnecessary as a vision for a lot of American workers.

THE RISE: CANADIAN SOCIALISM

NARRATOR: But socialism would yet find life in North America. As the Socialist Party faded from the U.S. political scene, some of the farmers who had embraced its ideals would take their politics north - to Canada.

ROBERT BOTHWELL
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
AUTHOR, CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES
Today Americans think of Canada as a more radical, a more socialist place. The irony is that Canada's first socialist politicians, Canada's first socialist intellectuals are American. And that is something that people today have forgotten. socialism when it comes to Canada in an effective way is an American import.

NARRATOR: Between 1898 and 1915, nearly a million people emigrated from America to Canada. Lured by cheap farmland, most settled in the Western Canadian provinces of Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba - the last North American frontier.

They brought their knowledge of how to wrest a living from the soil - and a set of political convictions rooted in their experience.

ROBERT McMATH
GEORGIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
AUTHOR, AMERICAN POPULISM
Farmers in - in the latter part of the 19th century were producing crops and not seeing the benefits from them. They felt that they were being gouged by the railroads, by the bankers. They felt that the market conditions were working against them. Rather than seeing this in terms of impersonal market forces, they personalized it and viewed bankers, railroad men, lawyers, as the - as the enemy.

ROBERT BOTHWELL
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
AUTHOR, CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES
The way you express your protest at the turn of the century is "hey, wait a minute, why don't we nationalize these things? And from that as the institutions resist you move fairly logically and pretty quickly towards radicalism. And they're radicalized in Canada in the same way by the same people in the same organizations as they are in the United States, but let me emphasize, these organizations start not in Canada but in the United States.

NARRATOR: Every major U.S. farmers' organization would resurface in Canada in some form. By the 1920s, these organizations and their successors began to make their voices heard throughout the Prairie Provinces.

ROBERT McMATH
GEORGIA INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY
AUTHOR, AMERICAN POPULISM
They were very soon able to influence electoral politics in Manitoba, Saskatchewan and Alberta simply by the power of their numbers. But it's really not until the Great Depression begins on the prairies really in the 1920s - not the 1930s - with drought, with the collapse of the wheat market, that the farmers begin to contemplate forming their own independent political force.

NARRATOR: In 1932, a new political party emerged from a conference in Saskatchewan: the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation, the C.C.F.

ROBERT BOTHWELL
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
AUTHOR, CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES
The C.C.F is kind of a big bang among radical groups: radical farmers socialist labor unions and radicalized socialist intellectuals. Many in universities, many also in the Protestant churches. and they get together and they write a platform that calls for the socialization essentially of the means of production and the means of finance. I mean it's - it's - it is a classic socialist platform.

NARRATOR: The party would later moderate its platform to appeal to a broader base. In 1944, the C.C.F. swept the provincial elections in Saskatchewan, becoming the first 'socialist' government in North America and leaving a lasting imprint on Canadian politics.

ROBERT BOTHWELL
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO
AUTHOR, CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES
The CCF stayed in power in Saskatchewan 'til 1964 and one of its last acts was to bring in a socialized medicine scheme for the province of Saskatchewan, which they imposed in the early 1960s and which had such tremendous appeal that it actually pushed Canadian politics in that direction later in the 1960s. the CCF's ideas were adopted by the governing liberal party of Canada and the liberals were the ones who finally brought in national Medicare in - in Canada.

BEN WATTENBERG HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG Socialism found more of a following in Canada than the United States. In 1961, the CCF became the New Democratic Party. It is still largely socialist and still a force in Canadian politics. In America, some of the ideas championed by socialists also found their way into the mainstream, ideas like unemployment insurance, social security, and the eight-hour workday.

Be sure to join us for the second episode of Heaven on Earth: the Rise and Fall of Socialism. For Think Tank, I'm Ben Wattenberg.

NARRATOR: Next time on Heaven on Earth: From China to Britain to Israel to Africa, a new generation of leaders brings to life radically diverse visions as socialism comes to power around the globe.

HOUR 2: REVOLUTIONS

NARRATOR: When Vladimir Lenin seized power in Russia in 1917, he created the world's first socialist state. But other socialists said that Lenin's dictatorship wasn't true socialism at all. Over the next sixty years, people who called themselves socialists-often disagreeing violently with each other-would rise to power in scores of countries all over the globe … until they ruled more than 60 percent of humanity.

BEN WATTENBERG
HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG
Hello, I'm Ben Wattenberg. "I have seen the future and it works." Those wore the words of an American journalist named Lincoln Steffens after visiting the Soviet Union in 1919. Even though the Bolshevik revolution frightened many people around the world, it seemed to validate Marx's prophecy that socialism would triumph.

In this episode of Heaven On Earth: the Communist revolution spreads to china, Democratic Socialism comes to Europe, and in the third world, socialism emerges as a new path to economic growth. But as socialism in its many forms continues to spread, it brings disappointment. Nowhere does the reality live up to the ideal.

And so we begin, in the new Soviet Union.

REVOLUTIONS: MUSSOLINI & FASCISM

NARRATOR: Vladimir Lenin died of a brain hemorrhage in January 1924. He was only 53 years old. But in his relatively short life he had laid out a path to power for revolutionaries around the world.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
What Lenin did electrified, excited, inspired, terrified different people all over the world depending on their frame of mind. And uh one of the more curious things it did (clears throat) was it gave birth to fascism. Lenin had shown that you could take Marxist doctrine and sort of twist it all around. And there was Mussolini in Italy and he says he, too, is a revolutionary. For him, like for Lenin, making the revolution is the main thing. And he says, "Well, if we could throw out the proletariat and put in the vanguard of the proletariat, maybe we could throw out the proletariat and put in the nation instead." And actually all over Europe there were groups of socialists who suddenly became nationalists. One, but not the only one who did, was Hitler. Who comes along and says, has this new ideology of national socialism, which retains a lot of socialist principles but adds on the implacable hatred of the Jews.

NARRATOR: Benito Mussolini joined forces with Adolph Hitler to launch a world war even more devastating than the last. The alliance between Italy, Germany and imperial Japan placed Mussolini in bloody opposition to his old socialist comrades.

In the end, the grandiose ambitions of fascism went up in smoke. The world last glimpsed Mussolini's body strung up at an abandoned gas station in Milan. The very next day, Hitler shot himself. With the defeat of the Axis powers, the ideology of fascism collapsed.

But the death of this strange offshoot only cleared the way for other branches of socialism to flourish.

REVOLUTIONS: CHINA AND THE SPREAD OF COMMUNISM

NARRATOR: In the aftermath of World War II, Communism spread like never before. The Soviet Union's military gains set the stage for Communist governments to take power in Eastern Europe and North Korea. But Communism's biggest postwar conquest was yet to come. Four years after the war's end, insurgent Communist forces in China drove the pro-Western Nationalist government off the mainland.

In January 1949, the Communists marched into Beijing to declare the birth of the People's Republic of China. Their leader was a 55-year-old intellectual named Mao Zedong.

XIAOBO LU
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CADRES AND CORRUPTION: THE ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
Mao was a true revolutionary. He did not believe in normalcy. He did not believe in routine. He disliked bureaucracy. What he did was to mobilize millions of peasants to join the communist revolution.

NARRATOR: Mao gave the Chinese people what came to be called "the iron rice bowl" - a promise of lifelong economic security. But the price was submission. The Party would come to control everything-the books people read, the clothes they wore, even whom they married and how many children they had.

RICHARD PIPES
HARVARD UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, COMMUNISM: A HISTORY
Mao felt that one has to really, not wait for changes in the social system at all, but change human beings just as they are, at once. That means to re-educate them, and cut them off from all previous culture. Lenin allowed his people to read the classics and had access to the old literature. And Mao cut it all off. And for a while all they could read was the inanities in the so-called Red Book. So he had this idea that if you do that, you completely cut them off from the past and create new human beings that way.

NARRATOR: For nearly a decade China followed the Soviet model of nationalized industry and collectivized agriculture. But the results were disappointing, and Mao grew impatient.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
He became disillusioned with the Soviet model and he thought he could improve upon it and bring communism overnight. He was truly a utopian thinker. So that is when, in the late 1957, he launched what has been called the Great Leap Forward.

NARRATOR: At the core of the Great Leap Forward was a new Chinese institution: the people's communes - more than 23,000 of them, comprising more than half a billion people. By mobilizing the country's vast labor pool, Mao believed his experiment would catapult China ahead of the West in both agriculture and industry.

But the country's frenzied commitment to the Great Leap Forward led only to impossibly high production quotas and inferior products. In one program, the government tried to speed up steel production by encouraging peasants to build "backyard steel mills" on communes across China. For raw materials, the peasants donated iron goods from their own homes - including woks and other cooking utensils. The steel produced was worthless.

XIAOBO LU
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CADRES AND CORRUPTION: THE ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
The peasants were forced to work long hours everyday. They were totally exhausted by this. They weren't getting enough food to eat, they were literally in some areas starving. And it is estimated that this utopian idea led to the death of 30-40 million Chinese peasants.

NARRATOR: A century earlier, Karl Marx had dreamt of the final stage of socialism: a society of complete human fulfillment, where a person might hunt in the morning, fish in the afternoon and write poetry in the evening. He called it communism. In Russia and China, the word had come to mean something very different.

REVOLUTIONS: CLEMENT ATTLEE & SOCIAL DEMOCRACY

NARRATOR: But Communism was far from the only form of socialism to flourish after the war. In Western Europe and a few other places, a competing version was making new gains. It was called democratic socialism - or, more often - social democracy. Its adherents were convinced that the true, humane and democratic essence of socialism could still be reclaimed from impostors like fascism and communism.

At the forefront of the movement was Britain's Labour Party, which challenged Winston Churchill in the first general election after Germany's surrender.

CLEMENT ATTLEE SOT: We have shown that we can organize the resources of the country to win the war. We can do the same in peace.

NARRATOR: As Britain went to the polls, socialism's greatest hopes rode on the shoulders of Labour's unassuming leader, Clement Attlee.

NARRATOR: Clement Attlee began life as the painfully shy son of a prominent London solicitor. The Attlees had a vacation home and five full-time servants. They were devout Christians and active in volunteer work.

FRANCIS BECKETT
AUTHOR, CLEM ATTLEE
The first thing you need to understand about Clement Attlee is that he came to socialism despite himself. It wasn't where he wanted to be, it wasn't what he was bought up to be. He had the fairly automatic conservative opinions of a man of his class at that time.

NARRATOR: Attlee graduated from Oxford and drifted into law. Then, one fall evening, his brother invited him to visit a club for disadvantaged boys in the notorious slums of East London's Limehouse District.

FRANCIS BECKETT
AUTHOR, CLEM ATTLEE
For the first time, he saw the conditions that the poor lived in in England, and it changed his life. He saw children starving. He saw huge families crammed into tiny squalid little rooms with…with no furniture and no food and no heating. He saw the utter misery in which the poor lived, and compared that to the way he had been bought up. This made him a socialist.

NARRATOR: Within a year and a half, the 24-year-old Attlee took over as club manager and moved in. The Limehouse District would remain his home for the next fourteen years. In 1908, he joined a group of socialists within Britain's Labour Party.

ROY HATTERSLEY
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE LABOUR PARTY (1983-1992)
AUTHOR, CHOOSE FREEDOM: THE FUTURE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
Attlee believed that if people lived in slum houses, if they were sick and couldn't have proper medical care, they grew up to be different people from those who lived in prosperity. A canon of socialism is you have to change the physical environment if you want to improve human nature, and that certainly Attlee believed.

NARRATOR: Attlee volunteered for combat during World War I and fought with extraordinary courage. As the government mobilized the economy for war, he and others saw it as evidence that socialism could work. The influence of socialists within the Labour Party was growing. In 1918 they revised the party's constitution to support common ownership.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
The British Labour Party was not started as a socialist party. It was started as a labor party, as a way for the labor unions to get some more clout or representation in politics. It then attracted more and more kind of, middle class intellectuals who were socialists. And in 1918, to make the middle-class socialists happy, the party adapts a platform which explicitly embraces socialism as the party's ideology. And where it does so is in this section that's called "Clause IV," which basically said "what we believe in is a society in which all the productive power is owned socially - meaning by the government or by the community."

NARRATOR: Attlee rose to become the Labour Party's leader. During World War II he was second only to Winston Churchill in Britain's national unity government.

When the peace was finally won, much of Britain lay in ruins. In June 1945, the country held its first general election in nearly a decade. The choice was between Winston Churchill and Clement Attlee, two men who had joined together to fight the Germans but now had different visions of how to rebuild Britain.

ROY HATTERSLEY
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE LABOUR PARTY (1983-1992)
AUTHOR, CHOOSE FREEDOM: THE FUTURE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
Any British family, including the most devoted Labour family, if they'd been asked whom they wanted around for supper, they would have chosen Winston Churchill rather than Clement Attlee any day. But Winston Churchill seems to stand for the old ways, for unemployment, for poverty, for no medical care, for an inadequate system of education. Attlee, a much more…Attlee was a very much more withdrawn figure, very quietly spoken little man with very little personal charisma, but what he stood for was what appealed to the British people.

NARRATOR: By noon on July 26th the results were becoming clear. Labour had won by a landslide.

CLEMENT ATTLEE: Never before have the electors shown clearly … that there should be in this country a Labour government carrying out Labour's full policy.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
The election was really fought on one issue: the welfare state. Attlee had a vision of a New Jerusalem, of a welfare state, of a city on a hill, of a society that would provide comprehensive national insurance. So this is a radical, reforming government which intends to transform British society.

NARRATOR: Alongside the social welfare system, the other cornerstone of Attlee's new policy was nationalization. The famous Clause IV was still enshrined in the party's constitution. Attlee now had his chance to bring common ownership to Britain.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Attlee had published a book called The Labour Party in Perspective in the 1930s. But he reissued it when he was Prime Minister and with an introduction that - that re-endorsed the same points. And it called for complete socialism. And he went on to say that he wanted all large industry nationalized, and that small industry could remain in private hands for a time, but his ultimate vision was a completely socialized economy.

CLEMENT ATTLEE: Let's go forward in the spirit of William Blake: 'I will not cease from mental fight, nor shall the sword sleep in my hand, until we have built Jerusalem in England's green and pleasant land.

NARRATOR: Attlee's government would remain in power for six years. Before it left office in 1951 it had nationalized much of the country's industry and introduced an array of social welfare programs.

ROY HATTERSLEY
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE LABOUR PARTY (1983-1992)
AUTHOR, CHOOSE FREEDOM: THE FUTURE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
They took into public ownership coal, rail, steel, road haulage, gas and electricity. They created a national health service, free medical care for everybody. They instituted a system of pensions by rights at a level, which made old age dignified, if not prosperous. I mean they had a pretty busy six years. I don't think any government's ever been as busy.

REVOLUTIONS: THE KIBBUTZ

NARRATOR: As the Attlee government put socialism to work rebuilding Britain, the idea was being used for building a nation in another part of the world.

A war-torn Britain could no longer support its far-flung empire - and, one by one, colonies and territories began to fall away from the mother country.

1948 brought the creation of the new state of Israel from part of the British trusteeship of Palestine. For decades the Zionist movement had been struggling to create a Jewish state by settling Jews in Palestine. Many of these settlements were collective socialist villages called kibbutzim.

ELIEZER BEN-RAFAEL
UNIVERSITY OF TEL AVIV
AUTHOR, CRISIS AND TRANSFORMATION: THE KIBBUTZ AT CENTURY'S END
The kibbutz saw itself as socialist but also at the same time as the expression of a national revolution. And they saw themselves as, in fact, the future Jewish society of this land.

NARRATOR: Kibbutz Ginosar is nestled along the western banks of the Sea of Galilee. It was founded in 1937 by a group of young socialists, and it soon became the base of the Palmach, the elite commando wing of the Jewish Defense Forces.

MOSHE ABBES
GINOSAR RESIDENT
We could and wanted to influence the country. That was the idea. To influence and stand for equality and everything we believed in.

NARRATOR: Moshe Abbes came to kibbutz Ginosar in 1940, when he was just 20 years old. In those early years the kibbutz did not have enough tents, so he slept on the grass. But for Moshe and others, the sacrifice was worth it.

MOSHE ABBES
GINOSAR RESIDENT
The spirit of the kibbutz is what gave us the strength to live that way. I said once, when asked if I was religious, that I have one religion, and that is the kibbutz. It covers everything that you need.

NARRATOR: The War of Independence came in 1948, and the kibbutz-based Palmach forces spearheaded the Jewish victory. With the support of the new state of Israel, Ginosar began to flourish. It built permanent homes, ran a profitable fishing operation, raised chickens, dairy cattle and honeybees and grew crops like bananas, mangos, olives, and tomatoes.

ISAAC ROTEM
GINOSAR RESIDENT
I had never worked in farming, agriculture, before. I had never had to do what the collective decided. But because of the past, the past years, this whole process wasn't hard for me.

NARRATOR: Isaac Rotem settled at Ginosar in 1948. He is one of the hundreds of thousands of European Jews who came to Israel in the wake of the Holocaust.

ISAAC ROTEM
GINOSAR RESIDENT
I came through all the camps - Auschwitz, camps in Cyprus, and suddenly I felt - one big family. Suddenly you feel there is someone who is taking an interest in you, someone asking about you.

NARRATOR: The kibbutz was socialism on a human scale. Instead of the government owning everything - as it did in the Soviet Union, and to a lesser extent, in Britain - the community owned everything, and made all decisions collectively.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
The motto of the kibbutz was borrowed from Marx which was "from each according to his ability to each according to his need." There was no private property, everything was shared in common. But it was all done in democratic fashion, that is, in group meetings or committee meetings where people could present their needs and the kibbutz would democratically decide what to do to make sure that that person had his or her needs met.

ELIEZER BEN-RAFAEL
UNIVERSITY OF TEL AVIVM
AUTHOR, CRISIS AND TRANSFORMATION: THE KIBBUTZ AT CENTURY'S END
You did not need any salary, because you got food in the dining room, you got clothes in the special -- the special store. At the very beginning at least you had no private clothes. The storehouse distributed every week clothes to the members. So you could receive a shirt that another member had the week before.

NARRATOR: Like many other communal experiments, including Robert Owen's New Harmony, the kibbutz even tried to reshape family life. There would be new roles for husbands and wives and parents and children.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR,

THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA

Half the kibbutz members are women. And the idea was that they would be liberated. Liberated from-not child bearing, of course, that's impossible-but liberated, liberated from bringing up their children, liberated from laundry, liberated from cooking, liberated from all the cares that women normally have. So they decided very early on that it was the collective's responsibility to raise the children, the children belonged to all of us and we are all responsible for looking after them. They wouldn't be under the tyranny of a bourgeois mother and father. They would be free members of the children's society living with their own age group.

ELIEZER BEN-RAFAEL
UNIVERSITY OF TEL AVIV
AUTHOR, CRISIS AND TRANSFORMATION: THE KIBBUTZ AT CENTURY'S END
There was a notion of "ben kibbutz," the son of the kibbutz or the daughter of the kibbutz. In some kibbutzim you even had this… when a child was born the general assembly met and decided what will be his name, of the child, what he would be called

NARRATOR: Ginosar's membership would eventually swell to nearly 400 adults. The kibbutz movement would grow to include 270 kibbutzim with some 130,000 members -about five percent of Israel's population-and play a leading role in the life of the new state.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR, THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA
They marked out the border to start with, very much so in the north, in the west, in the south, everywhere. Where there were kibbutzim, there was Israel. They provided a major part of the agriculture. As time went on they also produced a large amount of the industrial output. They contributed out of all proportion politically. The first two Prime Ministers were kibbutz members. And the first cabinet of Israel, I think nearly half were kibbutz members. The parliament, a fifth were kibbutz members. Army commanders, initially all the army and military commanders, these were kibbutz members. And I would go as far as to say that without the kibbutz, there wouldn't have been a state of Israel.

REVOLUTIONS: JULIUS NYERERE & THIRD WORLD SOCIALISM

NARRATOR: Much was unique about the Jewish state. But in choosing socialism as its strategy for development, Israel was part of a swelling tide. For the nations reaching for independence in the aftermath of World War II, state planning was held out as the quickest path to prosperity.

Sixty nations in the developing world would eventually adopt some form of socialism. Most were in Africa. The country that became known as Tanzania would provide the world with a leader whose vision of socialism fused the ideas of the West with the traditions of Africa. His name was Julius Nyerere.

Nyerere's father was a tribal chief in northwestern Tanganyika, as the British territory was then known.

PAUL SOZIGWA
FORMER PRESS SECRETARY TO JULIUS NYERERE
When the colonialists wanted somebody from the chief's family to go to school. And he was virtually taken away from his goats and taken to school. That was the beginning of Julius.

NARRATOR: By 1949, Nyerere had made it all the way to the University of Edinburgh, in Scotland.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
At Edinburgh he started studying with socialist teachers who talked about community property. And Nyerere said, we've got community property. That's what we have in my tribe!" And suddenly it seemed as if the ways that he was used to, which he had always been told were very backward and source of a source of shame, were actually corresponding very nicely to the most advanced social thought-that is, the ultimate society that people in Europe were looking forward to.

NARRATOR: When Nyerere returned to Tanganyika in 1952, colonial unrest had spread across the continent. To the north, Kenya was engulfed in the violent Mau Mau rebellion. Tanganyika was much quieter, but talk of independence was in the air.

Nyerere took a job as a teacher, but he found his true calling in politics. He soon remade an old social club into his country's first political party. As Nyerere's party attracted thousands of followers across the nation, he kept the title of his old profession: "Mwalimu," Swahili for teacher.

In 1961, Tanganyika finally won its independence from Britain. At midnight on December 9, the Tanganyikan flag flew for the first time.The next year Tanganyika swore in Julius Nyerere as its first president. He had been elected with more than 98 percent of the vote.

Nyerere set out to slay the three dragons that plagued his country: ignorance, poverty and disease. His weapon would be socialism, fused with the ancient tribal customs of Africa. The word he used chose to describe it was "ujamaa," Swahili for familyhood.

ROSEMARY NYERERE
DAUGHTER OF JULIUS NYERERE
MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
What my father believed in socialism, the way I understand it, is that, um… right after independence most Tanzanians were uneducated, and we are not all that wealthy, so we had to, to move together.

NARRATOR: Rosemary Nyerere was born in the same year her father led the country to independence. She is now a member of parliament herself.

ROSEMARY NYERERE
DAUGHTER OF JULIUS NYERERE
MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
Mwalimu used to say, "it's not new because that's how we live." Um, you go to a village, a typical Tanzanian village, a typical African village. We don't have these nuclear families, just the mother and the father and the children. We have lots of people living around. We help each other. So it's not really new.

NARRATOR: By 1967, Tanganyika had merged with Zanzibar to become Tanzania. Nyerere had been advocating his brand of African socialism for more than four years, but he had not imposed it on the country. He now decided to write it into law.

Nyerere laid out his roadmap to socialism in a speech that became known as the "Arusha Declaration."

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
This was a Declaration, as it said, not just for Tanzania but for all of Africa, and indeed other Africans did look upon it that way because it was the most complete, most ambitious attempt to create a kind of Communist Manifesto for Africa.

NARRATOR: Nyerere nationalized the banks and major industries, promising to give workers control of the means of production. And foreign investments would be turned away in the name of self-reliance. According the Nyerere, socialism would now pave the way to true independence.

JENERALI ULIMWENGU
JOURNALIST
The Declaration when it came out, spelled out so many things, a certain kind of utopia. There was this feeling that, um alongside economic development you created a new human being. It was a whole new idea that talked about humanization. A greater humanity, caring for the next, uh fellow, It was an exciting, um period.

NARRATOR: Nyerere encouraged Tanzanians to reorganize their communities into collectives he called "ujamaa villages." These new villages would build socialism, and they would also provide access to schools, hospitals and water.

Across the harbor from the capital city of Dar es Salaam, Gezaulole became an ujamaa village in 1971.

AYUBU SULEIMAN AHMAD (in Swahili with English VO): After Mwalimu Nyerere encouraged us to form ujamaa villages, we were the first to respond and make our village an ujamaa village. After we began leading the ujamaa way of life, we were able to get facilities for keeping poultry, fishing-see, that boat over there, we didn't have it before. We got it with our own initiative, and we made progress.

NARRATOR: Nyerere's vision of African socialism won the admiration of many in the West. As the Cold War intensified, many saw it as the best alternative to Soviet-style Communism in the Third World. Support-both moral and financial-poured in.

JOEL BARKAN
UNIVERSITY OF IOWA
WORLD BANK CONSULTANT
World Bank presidents would fly out, heads of donor agencies would fly out. Students would come to spend a half a year or a year at the University of Dar es Salaam. The University of Dar es Salaam was a great place in the mid-1960s and early '70s. 06:25:02 06:23:59 This was seen as a serious, well-reasoned um, attempt at socialism. And the feeling was "let's support this experiment."

REVOLUTIONS: GREAT BRITAIN IN THE 1970s

NARRATOR: Talk of socialism's potential in the Third World came amid disappointments in Europe. In places like Great Britain, pensions and socialized medicine continued to enjoy broad support - but state planning had not delivered on its promise.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
There's a tension between Britain in the 1960s. On the one hand we have the image of the "Swinging Sixties," the world of the Beatles, the Rolling Stones, the world of Carnaby Street. The problem was that the kind of creative energy that you saw going into music and clothing didn't go into most parts of the British economy.

CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS
JOURNALIST
AUTHOR, LEFT HOOKS, RIGHT CROSSES: A DECADE OF POLITICAL WRITINGS
You know, there was this sudden color and effervescence. But what it concealed was that the economy was essentially dying, and we're living on the credit of the past, on old, declining, rusting industries like coalmining, shipbuilding, and - and steel, and nobody knows where the money's gonna come from from now on. So it was - it was a kind of false paradise.

NARRATOR: In 1971, the Times of London called the country's condition "The British Disease."

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
The problem with the welfare state was not that it wanted to distribute goods to the people of England. The problem was that a society bent on questions of distribution was not a society that was going to deal with the underlying economic problems of how you produce enough, how you produce efficiently; how you compete in a global market and that's the imbalance.

NARRATOR: The world was changing, and it seemed that British industry simply couldn't keep up. Laws designed to protect British workers now prevented management from changing old practices. Workers demanded and won ever higher wages, even as productivity stagnated. In 1975, inflation hit 24 percent.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
The wage settlements as they became higher pushed inflation higher, and that leads to an inflationary spiral which was very difficult to control.

NARRATOR: Since 1945, Labour and Conservative governments alike had preserved Clement Attlee's social welfare programs and most of his nationalizations. But by the mid 1970s a growing faction within the Conservative Party placed the blame squarely on the legacy of Attlee's government.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
In their view what basically happens in postwar Britain is that socialism, disruptive trade unions and an expensive welfare state lead to a precipitous political and economic decline. What they see is a welfare state which created a dependency culture. It robbed people of initiative. It robbed people of responsibility. it disrupted the market. It made it impossible for the country to get anything really done.

NARRATOR: Among the most outspoken of these Conservatives was the party's new leader, Margaret Thatcher.

THATCHER (holding a brush): "Madame Chairman, I presume this is to sweep Britain clean of socialism …"

CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS
JOURNALISTM
AUTHOR, LEFT HOOKS, RIGHT CROSSES: A DECADE OF POLITICAL WRITINGS
Mrs. Thatcher just couldn't bear the idea that British decline should be taken for granted. She rejected that with her guts; she thought Britain should be great. Searching around for what was wrong, she decided that what the economy needed was a dramatic shakeup, to make people self-reliant again. And above all to break the power of the trade union movement.

NARRATOR: In the summer of 1978, the Labour Party was in power and gearing up for a new general election.

JAMES E. CRONIN
BOSTON COLLEGE
AUTHOR, NEW LABOUR'S PASTS
The Labour government felt that what they really needed was to have a year of very, very low inflation. So they imposed a norm on trade unions - or on all workers - of a five percent increase in wages. In December of that year the first test of the norm came in a strike or a dispute at Ford Motor Company, And Ford settle

NARRATOR: At that moment the flood gates opened and all sorts of workers who had pent up demands for higher wages hesitate essentially put those demands to government.

Throughout December 1978 and January 1979, massive strikes shook the country. It would become known as the Winter of Discontent. Most of the striking workers were in the public sector, the nationalized services and industries: truck drivers, teachers, medical workers.

JAMES E. CRONIN
BOSTON COLLEGE
AUTHOR, NEW LABOUR'S PASTS
There were stories of ambulance drivers saying things like, "Yes, we know some people will die if we don't deliver them to the hospital, but we're going to strike anyway." There was a famous strike of gravediggers in Liverpool which meant that the bodies piled up and were unburied. And there were similar strikes in other public services. Well, these kinds - this kind of strike really massively erodes public support for unions, and for a government that seems completely unable to do anything about it.

JAMES E. CRONIN
BOSTON COLLEGE
AUTHOR, NEW LABOUR'S PASTS
In December, 1978 the Labour government despite lots of difficulties still had a lead in the polls over Thatcher and the conservatives. It was a tiny lead, it was one or two percent. By the end of February, 1979 just three months later - less than three months later - Thatcher was out in front with a twenty percent lead.

REVOLUTIONS: THE KIBBUTZ PART II

NARRATOR: In Israel, too, socialism was losing some of its appeal.

The founders of the kibbutz movement had believed that the communal way of life would embed itself ever more strongly over time. But as the years passed the trend on the kibbutzim was away from collectivism.

ISAAC ROTEM
GINOSAR RESIDENT
In the beginning we'd get clothes once a week from the clothing storehouse - then later there were closets, and everyone had their own clothes at home. If at first, all the food and everything was in the dining hall, then eventually, every person had an icebox And then we started to have a few products, or beverages, or fruit, etc., inside the house.

NARRATOR: After Israeli statehood, the move toward a more private lifestyle accelerated. Members began to receive small cash allowances to spend as they wished.

The changes extended to families as well. The kibbutz children had lived and slept in a communal Children's House. But by the early 1970s some parents were beginning to have second thoughts.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR, THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA
Communal sleeping sounded very nice. But it was enormously frustrating for parents, particularly for mothers, who really felt they weren't getting enough of their children. They weren't being with them enough. They weren't seeing the enough. They weren't being able to give them enough love.

NARRATOR: The children's houses slowly began to empty. Many of the kibbutzim took out loans to pay for adding on children's rooms to their parents' homes.

In the midst of such internal change, the kibbutzim suffered a major blow from without. In May 1977, Menachem Begin carried a conservative government into power for the first time in Israel's history. The old Labor government was out, and with it went the subsidies, tax breaks and contracts it had bestowed on the kibbutzim.

ISAAC ROTEM
GINOSAR RESIDENT
There was a time when we were desirable in Israel, Because we lived in the hityashvut, in problematic areas, we produced the food, we were the heroes of this country. Eventually, the State conveyed to us, or hinted to us - "we don't need you anymore. You are a place of residence like any other, start being independent."

NARRATOR: The kibbutzim were still socialist communities. But practical problems were forcing more and more compromises between the ideal and reality.

REVOLUTIONS: TANZANIA'S UJAMAA VILLAGES

NARRATOR: Tanzania brought far greater disappointments. It was beginning to seem that Julius Nyerere's version of socialism was not as democratic has his supporters had hoped. In 1965, three years after he was elected President, he amended the country's constitution to ban all political parties but his own. Nyerere was asked whether a one-party system included safeguards against the abuse of power.

JULIUS NYERERE: To some extent there are, there are safeguards. But I have sufficient power under the constitution to be a dictator. This is the dilemma of this movement: sometimes you build the leader to the extent, that, at the end when you think you have become free, the fellow has become so powerful you don't know what to do with him (laughs).

NARRATOR: Nyerere was looking away from the West for a model of socialism more suited to a poor country like Tanzania. In 1965 he made his first visit to China.

PAUL SOZIGWA
FORMER PRESS SECRETARY TO JULIUS NYERERE
See, the year we went to China, Tanzania was in famine. By that time we were only fifteen million people. We went to China with one billion and everybody had a full stomach. (laughs) One billion. Think of it. They were making their own rails and they were engineers, building their own houses, building their own roads, you see. And here we can't even make a bridge. (laughs)

NARRATOR: China began to take a special interest in Tanzania's development. It would eventually contribute more than 2 billion dollars in economic aid, more than it gave to any other country. As the friendship between the two countries deepened, Nyerere's vision of socialism seemed to veer more and more toward the Chinese model - and life in Tanzania began to revolve increasingly around Nyerere's single party.

JOEL BARKAN
UNIVERSITY OF IOWA
WORLD BANK CONSULTANT
After the one-party system was implemented in 1965 the country became more and more authoritarian. The Party youth wing, for example was established. that would go around uh sort of imitating the Red guards in um, in China. The major newspapers were a party paper. The broadcast media was entirely under government control. the independent trade union movement was absorbed into the ruling party. Virtually all independent association life was either suppressed or brought under the control of the party.

NARRATOR: In 1967, the country began to overhaul its schools, casting off the old Western system. Now students would now learn practical trade skills-and socialist ideology.

REV. CHRISTOPHER MTIKILA
NATIONAL CHAIRMAN, DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF TANZANIA
PASTOR, FULL SALVATION CHURCH
Education in science, physics, chemistry and biology ceased. They say this is now triumph. But as for us, it was the end of everything.

NARRATOR: Christopher Mtkila is the pastor of the Full Salvation Church in Dar es Salaam and the leader of a Tanzanian opposition party. He has been arrested more than two dozen times for his political activity. His problems with the government began while he was in secondary school.

REV. CHRISTOPHER MTIKILA
NATIONAL CHAIRMAN, DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF TANZANIA
PASTOR, FULL SALVATION CHURCH
All the teachers were from the West, and they taught us the sanctity of human life and dignity and all these things. Then all of a sudden, we were told that those people who we were told to call as our brothers because they love democracy, human rights-now we should call them imperialists and all these things. I was confused. Continues …

NARRATOR: The Tanzanian people did not embrace all aspects of Nyerere's socialist experiment. As much as he urged them, they simply were not moving to the ujamaa villages. In 1973 Nyerere lost patience. He ordered all Tanzanians to relocate to the planned villages within three years. There were problems from the start.

ROSEMARY NYERERE
DAUGHTER OF JULIUS NYERERE
MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
During the execution of the program there were, there were mistakes. Sometimes a village could be taken to a place with no access of water, you see? Sometimes the… the people who… who performed the task were too brutal. At times it happened. Such things do happen at times.

ZAITUNI ABASI (in Swahili with English VO): One day we were taken by surprise to see trucks that moved us and brought us here. We left cashew nuts behind. There were no food crops yet, but we left when the cashew nuts were ready for harvest.

AYUBU SULEIMAN AHMAD (in Swahili with English VO): Some of them were happy and are with us even today. But others tried to escape and run away. That's why that place over there is called "the mango tree of the militia." It's because the militia had to be deployed at that mango tree to keep them under control and keep them from escaping.

NARRATOR: The villages were disastrous for food production. In 1970 Tanzania had produced enough surplus corn to export more than a half million tons a year. Just four years later the country had to import nearly as much just to feed itself.

Tanzania's government-owned industries were in no better shape. Typical was the massive Morogoro shoe factory. By the early 1980s it operated at 4 percent of capacity.

Conflict on Tanzania's border with Uganda and an international oil crisis struck a further blow to the economy.

ROSEMARY NYERERE
DAUGHTER OF JULIUS NYERERE
MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
After the war things got tough. There was a shortage of a lot of things. I remember personally walking to Kenya to come back with toothpaste, bathing soap, and things like that. There was also a shortage of food. There had been a famine, so… things were bad. Things were bad.

NARRATOR: Julius Nyerere had succeeded in creating a nation, but socialism had failed to make it prosper.

BEN WATTENBERG
HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG
For many in the west third world socialism seemed an antidote to Soviet-style Communism. But nations that took this path, like Tanzania, stagnated. In contrast, those that embraced private ownership and foreign trade, like Taiwan, South Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore, boomed. The example of these so-called "little tigers" of East Asia dealt third world socialism a mortal blow, and with it, the last hope for some kind of ideal socialism. Be sure to join us for the final episode Heaven On Earth: the Rise and Fall of Socialism. For Think Tank, I'm Ben Wattenberg.

NARRATOR: Next time: In the East, Communism falls - while social democracy is reinvented in the West. What shape will socialism take in the twenty-first century? Find out next time, on the conclusion of Heaven On Earth.

HOUR 3: THE COLLAPSE

NARRATOR: By the late 1970s roughly sixty percent of the world's population found itself under socialist governments of one kind or another. Communists ruled China, Russia, Eastern Europe and much of Asia. Third World socialist governments controlled thirty nations in the Middle East and Africa. Social Democratic parties held majorities in much of Western Europe. Even with all its problems, socialism was still in power. Then, unexpectedly, the pendulum began to swing.

BEN WATTENBERG
HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG
Hello, I'm Ben Wattenberg, and welcome to the concluding episode of Heaven On Earth, a Think Tank special. In 1968 the influential American sociologist Michael Harrington could convincingly write these words: "Most of the people around the world call the name of their dream 'socialism.' Despite all the carnage wrought in its name, the idea of socialism somehow retained great power over the human imagination. But even then, socialism's grip on power was coming to an end. In the conclusion of Heaven On Earth, the two great Communist powers move away from socialism, with momentous consequences. In the west, in order to stay in business, Democratic Socialists re-label themselves "the party of business." And among the kibbutzim of Israel, the socialist faithful are tested by modernity, prosperity and generational change. We begin in China.

DENG SPEECH SOT (in Chinese with English subtitles): "If we do not start reform then our goal to modernize socialism will be buried."

NARRATOR: In December 1978, the Chinese Communist Party yielded to the vision of a new leader: Deng Xiaoping. Deng's plan for China after Mao began with what he called "The Four Modernizations"- of agriculture, industry, technology and defense.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
What was different about Deng Xiaoping is that he was not ideological. He didn't believe you could introduce utopia overnight, as Mao thought he could do. And he realized that in order to bring about change in China you had to have fundamental economic reforms.

NARRATOR: Change lay ahead for the Social Democratic world as well. The following spring, Margaret Thatcher became the first female Prime Minister of Britain. Central to her campaign: a promise to reverse the legacy of Clement Attlee. She began by privatizing many of the nationalized industries.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION Margaret Thatcher's election in 1979 really is an emblem of the first triumphs of the capitalist revolution. A year later Ronald Reagan comes to office. Soon after that socialist regimes in France and Spain make definite rightward turns. So while it would be too much to see Margaret Thatcher's election as the beginning of the end, it is a very powerful first salvo, an auger of things to come.

REAGAN SOT: What I am describing now is a plan and a hope for the long term - the march of freedom and democracy which will leave Marxism-Leninism on the ash heap of history as it has left other tyrannies which stifle the freedom and muzzle the self-expression of the people.

CHRISTOPHER HITCHENS
JOURNALIST
AUTHOR, LEFT HOOKS, RIGHT CROSSES: A DECADE OF POLITICAL WRITINGS
The accession to power of Ronald Reagan happened to come at around the same time as a shift to the right in other comparable societies. All of them had in common, uh - not just Reagan but also Thatcher - the view that um, Soviet power, the apparently unshakable edifice of the USSR and its eastern European dependencies, needn't be taken for granted. That its survival was not a given. Why assume that they're going to be our rivals forever? Why not see if we can outbid them? and even subvert them?

NARRATOR: As Reagan took office, signs of strain were beginning to appear in the Soviet Empire. In the summer of 1980, Polish workers defied the Communist government by going on strike in the Lenin Shipyard in Gdansk. The strike grew into an independent trade union committed to democracy: Solidarity. Soon it could count more than one out of every four Poles as members.

ANNE APPLEBAUM THE WASHINGTON POST AUTHOR,

GULAG

The advent of Solidarity in Poland was one of the most significant factors that contributed to the collapse of communism. First, by example, the fact that Solidarity, an independent trade union, could, could come into existence in a workers state where the workers were allegedly happy, showed first of all that they weren't happy and second of all that it was possible to organize, to, to organize a society outside of the strictures of the regime. That change was possible. And it was certainly without question a great inspiration to the dissident movements across the bloc.

NARRATOR: Meanwhile, the Kremlin faced a crisis in leadership. In March of 1985, Soviet leaders gathered in Red Square for the funeral of Konstantin Chernenko, the third Soviet leader to die in office in the past two years. Their choice for a new leader was fateful. Mikhail Gorbachev may have been the last true believer in the Revolution's ideals. But his attempt to recover true socialism from the Communist bureaucracy would shake the Soviet Union to its foundations.

THE COLLAPSE: GORBACHEV & REFORM

NARRATOR: Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev grew up in the 1930s. It was a period known as the Great Terror. Under the rule of Lenin's successor, Joseph Stalin, millions were arrested - and often executed. Scholars say that as many as 20 million people died.

ANNE APPLEBAUM
THE WASHINGTON POST
AUTHOR, GULAG
Gorbachev was the grandson of a rich peasant who was arrested and deported these were called kulaks. And in the early 1930s the kulaks were collectivized-that means they were all told to go work on collective farms-and those who disagreed were deported, killed, sent to concentration camps. Ah, his other grandfather was arrested in the 1930s and was also in a camp. So he grew up with a very powerful sense of what had been wrong with the system, of what had really happened during Stalin's time. And this probably did have an effect on his later politics.

NARRATOR: By the time Gorbachev became General Secretary in 1985, he realized the Soviet system was not only cruel; it was hopelessly inefficient.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
You can imagine what it is getting an American driving license. It's quite difficult, quite a tedious process. Imagine doing it every day. This is what the Soviet life was. The whole system was based on people, as we said, pretending that they work and the government pretending that it pays. It used more people where you could have used more brains, and…and that, I think, ineffectiveness, this swampish feeling of absolutely going nowhere, that was what Gorbachev inherited.

NARRATOR: But for Gorbachev, the problem was not with the Soviet system itself - it was with how that system was being run.

LEON ARON AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE AUTHOR, YELTSIN: A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE One-party, state socialism was, according to Gorbachev, a voluntary, free choice of the Russian people. He felt that, therefore, he could um loosen up the controls. But basically that would not, would not change one thing that was the most important to him, which is the state ownership of the economy, which to him was the basis of the Soviet Regime.

NARRATOR: Gorbachev had a core diagnosis for what ailed the Soviet economy: bureaucracy. His prescription to fight it was called perestroika.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
In a way perestroika means rebuilding, transforming things. But I think that Gorbachev still considered it possible that all these things would be done within this centrally planned system that existed in the Soviet Union. That was his mistake.

NARRATOR: Gorbachev set out to cut the red tape - but the whole system was made of red tape. For all his efforts, it seemed Gorbachev was running in place.

THE COLLAPSE: DENG XIAOPING & MODERNIZATION

NARRATOR: As Gorbachev struggled to clear a path to true socialism in the Soviet Union, the socialist idea was being redefined in China. Deng Xiaoping said his reforms were creating "socialism with Chinese characteristics." Many observers thought it looked more like capitalism. Whatever it was, it was changing the face of China.

The country had just emerged from one of the most devastating periods in its history. After the failure of the Great Leap Forward, Mao Zedong launched the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

The goal was to cleanse the country of creeping capitalist and bourgeois influence. But Mao's new Revolution soon veered out of control. Over the next decade some 100 million Chinese citizens were persecuted, including Communist Party officials.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA What Mao did was use the young people, he called the Red Guards, to literally throw out the party leaders to rebel against authority, rebel against their teachers, rebel against anyone with any position or any seniority. So it led to a period of utter chaos in China, in the economy, in the political system. And it was that chaos that totally I believe demoralized the population, turned them away not only from Mao but from any belief that Marxism, Leninism or any ideology or any ideological utopia was going to solve their problems.

NARRATOR: Deng had been with the Communist movement from the beginning and served as one of Mao's closest advisors. But his pragmatic outlook had more than once landed him in trouble. During the Cultural Revolution he was twice purged from power.

Deng's family fared worse. The Red Guards drove his brother to suicide and his oldest son to jump out of a window, sustaining injuries that left him a paraplegic.

But Deng's fortune would soon change. Mao's death in 1976 gave rise to a vicious power struggle - and Deng came out on top.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
When Mao died, Deng was the highest-ranking leader left. Several leaders died during the Cultural Revolution. And he came back to power with a few of his old Communist buddies who supported him, who were totally disillusioned with Maoist policies. And they were open. They didn't know what they wanted to do. In fact the slogan they used was, "We have to feel for the stones as we cross the river to get to the other side."

NARRATOR: In 1978, 18 families in China's Anhui province made a secret pact. They would divide their collective farm into individual plots. They would work independently, and each family could keep whatever profits they earned. If any of them got arrested, the other promised to care for their children.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA When Deng heard about this from one of his colleagues who was the governor of the province of Anhui where it began, he said, "Don't stop that." He said, "Let's see how it works out." And when this governor then reported that incomes were increasing and harvests were doubling, then Deng said, "Okay this is the way to go." So he made it a policy, by the early 1980s, or 1982 this was the policy in the whole country. Every single commune was decollectivized

NARRATOR: Deng Xiaoping had a saying that had infuriated Mao: "It doesn't matter if the cat is black or white, as long as it catches mice."

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
Peasants got back their own family plots. And that-released this energy of the peasants to earn money. They had economic incentives. And then the villages began to set up small workshops, and they did small-scale things. Then they began to make connections with the international markets. And they would start producing shirts or socks or textiles goods for the overseas market. So it was a gradual process.

XIAOBO LU
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CADRES AND CORRUPTION: THE ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
When I first started as a freshman in college in 1978, our meals did not even have enough meat. (smiles) By my second year in college, things began to change dramatically. Food become abundant, a variety of vegetables and meat became available and I feel at that time I could see the change quite dramatically unfolding and indeed people knew that's because the reform.

NARRATOR: 1984 marked the 35th anniversary of the People's Republic of China. According to the World Bank, China's economic growth had now reached 10 percent per year. It would remain there for more than a decade. But China was still a communist country. Beneath the rising tide of economic and personal freedom the political system remained largely unchanged.

MERLE GOLDMAN
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, SOWING THE SEEDS OF DEMOCRACY IN CHINA
In the beginning, Deng Xiaoping thought he could have both economic reform and also political reform. So he allowed for the beginning of some kind of political descent, political discussion, in the early, late '70s very early '80s. But when the Solidarity movement developed in Poland there was this great fear in the Chinese leadership that you would have a comparable development in China, joining together of labor, of workers, and intellectuals. So he began to gradually clamp down.

NARRATOR: On May 15, 1989, the Soviet General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev boarded a jetliner for Beijing. His historic visit would lay to rest a bitter thirty-year struggle for leadership of the Communist world. An elaborate welcoming ceremony was planned at Beijing's Great Hall of the People. But there was a problem.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Suddenly a message comes to Gorbachev or his party on the airplane saying, "Well, we've changed the plans. When you land were going to have some alternative ceremony. We're not going to the Great Hall of the People and the reason is because that's in Tiananmen Square and Tiananmen Square is filled with demonstrators demanding an end to communist rule in China.

NARRATOR: By the third day of Gorbachev's visit, a million people occupied the square and the surrounding area. Once the Soviet leader had departed, Deng ordered his troops to clear the square.

XIAOBO LU
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CADRES AND CORRUPTION: THE ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
To this day we do not know exact numbers of people who died in the, in the bloodshed. some reports say there were thousands. Others say hundreds. Probably the truth is somewhere in between.

NARRATOR: Even though Deng had put down the movement for political reform in China, he soon ordered that economic reform resume. In 1993, the National People's Congress enshrined the term "socialist market economy" in the constitution. Still, the Communist Party remained firmly in control.

XIAOBO LU
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
CADRES AND CORRUPTION: THE ORGANIZATIONAL INVOLUTION OF THE CHINESE COMMUNIST PARTY
Deng is a very complex figure. His stature in history will be examined and re-examined and many, many times down the road. His end goal is not to dismantle the rule of the Chinese Communist Party. It never was. The Chinese reform, it was able to keep stability, but it has not really fundamentally changed the political system.

THE COLLAPSE: GORBACHEV & REVOLUTION

NARRATOR: Deng and Gorbachev were two radical reformers who set out to rescue socialism. But they were on two different paths. While Deng focused on overhauling the economy, Gorbachev turned his attention to the political system.

LEON ARON
AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE
AUTHOR, YELTSIN: A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE
Gorbachev in 1987 did face a choice. He came to the point where he either had to retreat, to essentially neo-Stalinism of the Brezhnev era, and pray there would be enough political stability for him to serve out his term, or he'd have to, um, radicalize his approach. Nobody at the time, say, early 1987, had any idea it would…that this would lead to a revolution.

NINA TUMARKIN
WELLESLEY COLLEGE
AUTHOR, LENIN LIVES: THE LENIN CULT IN SOVIET RUSSIA
In a way it had come full circle. Here Lenin had revised Marx, Karl Marx who believed that the proletariat was naturally socialistic and would make a revolution, and Lenin who had a politics based on the absence of trust. And now Gorbachev flips and is completely the opposite from Lenin and saying that we have to trust the people otherwise we have no socialism and we have no Soviet regime; that the Soviet Union must tap the energy, the initiative and the goodwill of the Soviet populace.

NARRATOR: Gorbachev now spoke often about glasnost, a word that meant openness. The Soviet people were now free to talk about subjects that had long been forbidden. The nation soon found itself awash in a flood of revelations about the crimes of Joseph Stalin. But glasnost didn't stop there.

LEON ARON
AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE
AUTHOR, YELTSIN: A REVOLUTIONARY LIFE
They quickly disposed of Stalinism. They started talking-they went back all the way to Lenin, who to Gorbachev at that time was an icon and they quickly began to discover how, um, unjust, how violent, how, um, inequitable, how stupid economically the entire regime was. It was no longer Stalinism that was to blame. It's the entire system of, uh; one party dictatorship based on the total ownership of economy by the State. Glasnost became sort of…it was, it was a, um, a match. A burning match thrown in a pool of gasoline and that…all that's required was just giving, giving it enough time to burn.

RONALD REAGAN: General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe, if you seek liberalization: Come here to this gate! Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate!

NARRATOR: Under pressure from both within and without, the momentum of change accelerated.

REAGAN (cont.): "… Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this wall!"

NARRATOR: In March 1989, the Soviet Union held the first free parliamentary elections in its history.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
A lot of Communist Party big wigs were just sort of kicked out. And some young faces and our engineers, doctors, philosophers, journalists, suddenly became MP's, members of Parliament

NARRATOR: But 1989 had only gotten started. Poland was the first domino to fall.

Solidarity, the independent trade union, had managed to survive underground through the 1980s. Faced with rising discontent, the Polish Communists finally gave in to demands for parliamentary elections.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
There were free elections held. But there was a, a trick which was there were certain seats that were supposed to be guaranteed for the government, and which the opposition was not allowed to run against. (laughing) And yet it may be the only time in history that candidates ran unopposed and still lost.

NARRATOR: Voters simply crossed the Communists' names off the ballot. Meanwhile, Solidarity had captured 99 out of 100 seats in the new Senate. All the while, Moscow stood by in silence.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
The Polish events had a huge effect on…on the Soviet Union. To see people like us doing something completely different, just standing up and opposing, that was something people couldn't believe. We couldn't believe it was happening on our doorstep, and in this respect the victory of the Solidarity-led coalition in Parliamentary elections in June 1989 was something that started the final stage of the collapse of the…what was the called the Eastern Bloc. Next year, the Warsaw Pact was gone

NARRATOR: Many of the Soviet republics began to assert their independence, while Gorbachev struggled to lay the groundwork for a post-Soviet Union of Sovereign States. But a group of hard-line Communist aides had had enough. In August 1991, they launched a coup - and placed Gorbachev under house arrest. Tanks and troops appeared on the streets of Moscow. At the time Konstantin Eggert was a newspaper reporter in Moscow.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
Well, I rushed off to my editorial office in a city newspaper. And it was this feeling of, oh yeah, we know, here they come back. We know what they're going to do. They're not going to spare anybody.

NARRATOR: Then something remarkable happened. Hundreds of thousands of citizens poured into the streets to resist. Many of the soldiers joined them.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
When it really went, it really went, not with a bang but with a whimper. Nothing happened. Just all these mighty armies, KGB, all those people held sway over the country for 70 years-they just hid, just ran away. There was nobody to defend it. It was a system without defenders.

NARRATOR: In the middle of it all was Boris Yeltsin, the newly elected President of the Russian Federation. His popularity had now eclipsed Gorbachev's. After the coup collapsed, it was Yeltsin who issued a decree that effectively outlawed the Communist Party. In the following months the Russian republics one by one voted to declare their independence. On Christmas Day, 1991, Mikhail Gorbachev resigned as leader of the disintegrating Soviet Union. The once-fearsome Communist power was no more.

KONSTANTIN EGGERT
MOSCOW BUREAU CHIEF, BBC RUSSIAN SERVICE
When I think about the fate of socialism, and what I think about the fate of socialism in other countries where it's still supposedly exists, for example, China, I always remember this 1980s experience in…in Russia. You go to a small corner, very quiet, and you whisper there, "freedom!" and suddenly it echoes all over the place, "freedom! Freedom!! Freedom!!!" and you can't stop it. It's like an avalanche. That's my impression of the…of…of this era.

THE COLLAPSE: TONY BLAIR & NEW LABOUR

NARRATOR: With the fall of Soviet Union, the era of totalitarian socialism effectively came to a close. But did the collapse of Communism mean the end of socialism?

TONY WRIGHT
LABOUR MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
AUTHOR, SOCIALISMS: OLD AND NEW The fall of communism at the end of the 1980s-celebrated at the time as a great victory for the Right and for capitalism and for a defeat for socialism-actually, I believe for socialism in the West, was a huge liberating moment. Because from that time you were free of that contamination. You were free of that guilt by association. You had to be taken on your own terms and that deprived the Right of a major chunk of its armory.

NARRATOR: Social democratic parties were making a comeback across Europe. By the late 1990s they governed twelve of the fifteen states in the European Union. But many of these parties looked less and less like the socialists of the past.

The most daring revisionist was Britain's Tony Blair, who led Labour to victory in 1997 with a landslide vote. The party as Blair recreated it was a far cry from the party of Attlee.

ROY HATTERSLEY
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE LABOUR PARTY (1983-1992)
AUTHOR, CHOOSE FREEDOM: THE FUTURE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
What we wanted more than anything else was to be back in government, and it seemed that Tony Blair would do that by making what amounted to a clean start. Many Labour Party people did not realize how much of social democracy he intended to abandon.

NARRATOR: Tony Blair was born in Edinburgh, Scotland and spent most of his childhood in northern England. His father was active in politics, starting as a Communist and ending up as a Conservative. A one-time front man for a band called the Ugly Rumors, Tony himself came to politics only at the end of his college years.

JOHN RENTOUL
AUTHOR, TONY BLAIR
He was a rebel, but he was quite a careful rebel. There was also a much quieter side to him. I mean he became a confirmed Christian at at the Oxford University with a passionate belief in in social justice and left-wing political values.

NARRATOR: Blair won his first Parliament seat in 1983. He was just thirty years old. But he was bucking the national tide. Labour's fortunes were near the lowest point ever, and the party ticket was trounced by the Conservatives.

JAMES E. CRONIN
BOSTON COLLEGE
AUTHOR, NEW LABOUR'S PASTS
There was this sense that the tradition or the - the different traditions that made up the Labour party had been tried, failed and that tradition therefore exhausted itself. So people like Blair in a sense had reason to think that they should remake the party from top to bottom.

NARRATOR: In 1994 Labour leader John Smith died of a heart attack. The Party turned to Blair.

JOHN PRESCOTT: This man, our new leader, has got what it takes. He commands moral authority and political respect. He has the energy and vitality to win people over to Labour. And he scares the life out of the Tories. And me.

JON CRUDDAS
LABOUR MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
DEPUTY POLITICAL SECRETARY TO THE PRIME MINISTER (1997-2001)
It was a very exciting time. And there was a crusading sort of zeal to him and the key advisors around him which was very exciting. But it was also worrying at times in terms of his ability to take the party with him at all times. And I think that was best captured by the day that Tony Blair somewhat delphically announced at the Labour Party Conference that he was prepared to embark on a review of the Constitution, or as he called it, our aims and values.

TONY BLAIR: Let us say what we mean and mean what we say … Stop saying what we don't mean, start saying what we do mean, what we stand for, what we believe.

NARRATOR: The words may have been cryptic, but everyone in the Labour Party knew what Blair was talking about - Clause IV, the part of Labour Party's charter that said it believed in common ownership. Blair wanted to make clear to voters that the party no longer believed in this kind of socialism.

TONY BLAIR: It is not the socialism of Marx or state control … We are the party of the individual because we are the party of community. It is social-ism."

NARRATOR: But Clause 4 had been around since 1918, and many in the Labour Party were not willing to give it up without a fight.

TONY WRIGHT
LABOUR MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
AUTHOR, SOCIALISMS: OLD AND NEW
Clause Four is a totemic thing. It's an icon. and people don't those things being fiddled around with. It's like trying to change the…the prayer book in the Church of England. It causes all kinds of controversy.

NARRATOR: The following year, Labour delegates gathered at Methodist Central Hall in Westminster-where the original Clause 4 was adopted 77 years before-to vote on Blair's new language. 65 percent were in favor.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
Blair convinced the party to do away with the traditional socialist language of Clause IV, what was put in its place was pure doubletalk and you can read it over and over again without figuring out exactly what it's saying. But the meaning of that doubletalk became clear in action when Blair then started running for Prime Minister and leading the Labour Party to a new campaign and the policies that he was advocating in the campaign were anything but socialist policies.

CHARLES DELLHEIM
BOSTON UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE DISENCHANTED ISLE: MRS. THATCHER'S CAPITALIST REVOLUTION
What seemed to be essential for Tony Blair and New Labour was to create the impression of being a safe pair of hands. And the approach purely boils down to several things. First, distancing the Labour party from the trade unions. Second, appealing to middle-class swing voters who otherwise were voting Conservatives. And finally and most generally making peace with the business world, with the British markets and with capitalism.

NARRATOR: As the 1997 general election approached, Blair's strategy seemed to be working. By the evening of May 2, 1997 the votes had been counted. Labour rolled to its largest win ever, even topping Attlee's record victory in 1945.

Blair easily won re-election in 2001. But his policies led many to wonder whether the Labour Party was still a socialist party.

TONY WRIGHT
LABOUR MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
AUTHOR, SOCIALISMS: OLD AND NEW
The Labor Party is a socialist party. The only problem is these days we're not so sure what socialism is. Um, it's a socialist party in the sense that it stands for a conception of society and community and people owing obligations to each other, and stands for what I said was that core belief about giving everybody in society access to things that that society can offer. That, I think, is the core idea, and I think if you look at many of the programs that we're engaged in, you can still define them by that core idea.

ROY HATTERSLEY
DEPUTY LEADER OF THE LABOUR PARTY (1983-1992)
AUTHOR, CHOOSE FREEDOM: THE FUTURE FOR DEMOCRATIC SOCIALISM
The Prime Minister would say that New Labour was a redefinition of socialism. I believe it's a rejection of socialism. I believe that many things in the Labour Party's policy needed to change to meet the demands of the modern world, but I thought we ought to hold tight to our basic principles and see how those basic principles could be applied in the modern world. The Prime Minister has abandoned the basic principles.

NARRATOR: Socialist or not, Blair's approach was catching on. Eventually as many as 14 social democratic heads of state from Europe, South Africa and New Zealand embraced similar policies. As they talked about the importance of inclusion and a social safety net, they increasingly acknowledged the necessity for capitalism.

THE COLLAPSE: THE FUTURE OF SOCIALISM

NARRATOR: The triumph of free enterprise was the theme at the first annual Capitalist Ball in Brussels. Revelers from around the world gathered on the floor of the Belgian stock exchange to celebrate capitalism. The day before the ball, some of the people here got together to look the future of socialism.

Michael Jacobs: "Ladies and gentlemen; comrades- (laughter) oh, I'm sorry, you're the wrong audience for that"

NARRATOR: The conclusion was anything but an obituary.

Nizam Ahmed SOT: "Socialism will not die, but it will surely change into something else …"

Radeck Sikorski SOT: I would argue that today socialism, after the failed experiment of the Soviet Union, has gone back to its nineteenth century features, as an anti-establishment movement …."

MICHAEL GOVE
ASSISTANT EDITOR, THE TIMES OF LONDON
I don't believe that socialism is dead because I don't believe that the impulse which drives people towards the Left, the desire to control, meddle and interfere in other people's lives, can ever die.

MICHAEL NOVAK
AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE
Liberty is always under threat, and socialism is one of those threats. And um, and yet there is something dynamic and moral in the heart of socialism as well. Um, it's that ambiguity that….that keeps the thing alive and it makes it always a danger.

NARRATOR: At the twenty-first annual Socialist Scholars Conference in New York City, a very different view prevailed.

Speaker SOT: "We think that the break of the Soviet Union and the fall of the wall affected all the Left, social democrats, because they lose the reference to build some model of regulation …"

Speaker SOT: "You don't go from what you've got to what you desire like that. You have to win a series of changes …"

LEO PANITCH
YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, RENEWING SOCIALISM: DEMOCRACY, STRATEGY, AND IMAGINATION
POLITICAL SCIENTIST
It's a mistake to equate the failure of particular socialist parties and regimes with the failure of socialism or the end of socialist values or vision. They're a reflection of the fact that they were trying to build these institutions at a certain point in time in a certain part of the world. And it was to be expected given the dynamism and power of capitalism as a system, that the first attempts to build institutions to overthrow it, would not be the perfect ones. And I'm sure that we'll see over the course of the next century loads of attempts to build new ones, new parties, new unions, new movements that will be socialist in their fundamental essence that will learn from the mistakes of the past.

Speaker SOT: "A non-reformist reform is to fight for these kinds of changes and many others in a manner that leaves us when we win not going home, but desiring more …"

NARRATOR: Many at the conference said the anti-globalization and anti-war movements may hold the seeds of socialism's future. But some believed the idea might not always go by the same name.

DUNCAN MÖENCH
SOCIALIST SCHOLARS CONFERENCE ATTENDEE
A lot of people, when they hear that label, they immediately reject it-"oh, socialism, I've been taught that that's wrong." And I don't necessarily feel the need to use that label. I mean, I like the term economic democracy. Because I think that's a way people can start to think about. We need to start extending democracy to the sphere of economics. That's the key.

NARRATOR: Here and elsewhere, there seemed to be no shortage of arguments that socialist ideas can still play a vital role in politics.

TONY WRIGHT
LABOUR MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT
AUTHOR, SOCIALISMS: OLD AND NEW
If you look at what some of the market ideologues were saying at the time the wall came down…down at the end of the Nineteen Eighties, their victory dances were so exaggerated that they were very much seemed to me like the Marxists of old who thought they had sort of cracked the secret of history. But, of course, you don't crack the secret of history because you find it throws up new problems for you. the market won in that sense insofar as there was no organized alternative to it organized in nation states, but it hadn't won in the sense that the choice had not been removed as to whether you want a market economy or whether you want to extend that into a market society.

SHERI BERMAN
NEW YORK UNIVERSITY
AUTHOR, THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC MOMENT
Social democracy has always been characterized by its belief that markets have an important economic function, but its distaste for their impact on social and political outcomes. This is what differentiates social democrats from Marxists, from communists and this sense or this desire to use the market to harness the most powerful economic mechanism available but to not allow it to kind of determine what happens in the political or social sphere, this is still an idea or a vision that has immense appeal, and is still very relevant to the twenty-first century.

NARRATOR: As the new century begins, social democratic parties govern most of Europe. But the policies they offer bear little resemblance to the heady dreams of their socialist forbearers. Amid electoral politics, the quest to remake human nature and create a heaven on earth has all but been abandoned.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
It turns out that social democracy, or democratic socialism, is a contradiction in terms. In many cases socialist parties have gotten voted into power-like Mitterand in France, like Attlee in England, like the German Social Democrats-and set about trying to march step by step to socialism. In every single case after a certain number of years they've reversed course. For all the socialist parties we've had in scores of countries around the world, there's not been one case in which a free electorate has wanted to continue a march all the way to socialism. They've always taken a few steps that way and then wanted to pull back.

THE COLLAPSE: THE KIBBUTZ PART III

NARRATOR: The farthest socialism ever advanced democratically was in Israel's kibbutzim. For years the kibbutzim had been tiptoeing away from a completely communal way of life. But basic socialist principles still held. Members contributed what they could, and the kibbutz provided for their needs.

Now, though, communities like Ginosar are undergoing a transformation so complete many wonder if they can still call themselves kibbutzim.

MOSHE ABBES
GINOSAR RESIDENT
The first generation followed in our footsteps, the second generation - less, and the third generation, who are now running the kibbutz, they are completely different.

NARRATOR: It all began in the late 1970s, when Israel's Labor government fell to the Conservatives and the kibbutzim lost much of the financial support that had sustained them. When a debt crisis hit Israel in 1985, the kibbutzim found themselves holding loans they could not pay back.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR, THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA
Until 1985, the kibbutz member could always say to himself, "well, there are problems; we're not so sure about whether our way of life is better than the way the rest of the world lives, but it works." After this, after the economic crisis hit, they couldn't say that any more.

NARRATOR: By the late 1970s and early 1980s, the first children born on the kibbutzim had grown up and had children and grandchildren of their own. Now that the urgent task of building a nation had passed, the younger generations were becoming disillusioned with life on the kibbutz.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
The kibbutzniks shared with other socialists the idea that, that people were a product of their socialization. And that if you brought people up in a system of complete justice you could create a a "new man," that is someone who was devoid of selfish individualism and who would really think and live for the, for the welfare of the group of a whole. And it turns out to be exactly the opposite.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR, THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA
The kibbutz children grew up into intelligent, forceful, enterprising, hard working constructive individuals. But they did not grow up as socialists.

MOSHE ABBES
GINOSAR RESIDENT
We lived a very austere life. The most one could. And this didn't appeal to the children. As long as they lived within the warm confines of the kibbutz, they didn't see what went on outside. The moment they saw there was something completely different, in the army and elsewhere, and then the problem started with people leaving, and today, in my family, two have left.

NARRATOR: Moshe Abbes' daughter Noa was one of those who considered leaving.

NOA SHAMIR-RONEN
GINOSAR RESIDENT
I think the kibbutz is generally not natural. It goes completely against nature, complete opposite of human nature. Because you work and you give all you got, and you work very hard, at several jobs, and in return you get the same as somebody who doesn't work.

NARRATOR: To keep skilled workers, Ginosar and other kibbutzim began paying salaries based not on need but on market value. They even began to hire foreign labor for the lowest paying jobs.

DANIEL GAVRON
AUTHOR, THE KIBBUTZ: AWAKENING FROM UTOPIA
They brought in advisers from the outside that said "well the guy who's looking after the kibbutz gardens is worth this and this per month. The teacher in the school is worth so much and the child care worker in the kindergarten is worth this much." And everyone got their own wage. That to my mind is the crucial change in the kibbutz, when the members stopped getting equal resources, when the principle of "from each according to his ability to each according to his needs" was changed and people got what they earned.

NARRATOR: Today, Ginosar has joined most of the rest of the world in embracing capitalism. And, like three quarters of the kibbutzim, it is working toward turning over ownership of housing to individual members. The kibbutzniks will become homeowners.

NOA SHAMIR-RONEN
GINOSAR RESIDENT
I think those that stayed, stayed thanks to the changes. If changes hadn't been made, I wouldn't be here either. And thanks to the changes, we saved penny to penny and I as a school principal and my husband who works at two jobs - we managed to get our own private car. Two weeks ago. At the age of forty-almost-three - I have a car! (Laughs) I have independence. And this change, for me, is excellent

NOA SHAMIR-RONEN
GINOSAR RESIDENT
It became worthwhile to work. If in the past we used to work because of values, now there are new values. The supreme value - we are ordinary human beings - is money. And quality of living. And the promise to our children, that they will get something.

NARRATOR: All these changes have led many to wonder if the kibbutzim are on their way to becoming little more than suburbs with a socialist heritage.

ISAAC ROTEM
GINOSAR RESIDENT
There was no chance that this kind of lifestyle, which is found nowhere else in the world nowhere else where people, of their own free will, would live for years and years in such a communal and collective way. The country doesn't need us; this thing, this way of life has reached its end. It has spent itself. As far as reason goes, the kibbutz must come to an end.

JOSHUA MURAVCHIK
AUTHOR, HEAVEN ON EARTH
The kibbutzim were the one place, or group of places, on earth where real, pure socialism, just as it was imagined by the, all the great socialist visionaries, was actually put into practice and put into practice democratically. And the ironic ending was that the same people after a certain number of years democratically voted to turn away from socialism, and to put the kibbutz in some other basis. 05:01:57 And I think that that constitutes the, the final proof that socialism- except coerced as in China or Russia-but socialism as a voluntarily way for societies to live is simply an impossibility; that people ultimately won't be satisfied living that way.

BEN WATTENBERG HOST, THINK TANK WITH BEN WATTENBERG As you might imagine, I am not a socialist, although I applaud some of the reforms that socialists brought our way. But as I think about socialism, my thoughts keep returning to America.

Just as the socialist faith was rising from the fires of the French revolution, a group of former British colonists were also imagining a new society. But they had something different in mind.

America's founders tailored our system to people as they are, not as they should be, in some ideal world in the by and by. And that system has seen socialism's rise and its decline. It's not perfect, but it works. For those who want to improve the world, it's something to keep in mind.
For Think Tank, I'm Ben Wattenberg.

FUNDERS:
NARRATOR: Funding for this program was made possible by…

PFIZER NARRATOR: At Pfizer, we're spending over five billion dollars looking for the cures of the future. We have 12,000 scientists and health experts who firmly believe the only thing incurable is our passion. Pfizer, life is our life's work.

NARRATOR: Additional funding was provided by…
The Bernard and Irene Schwartz Foundation
The Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation
The D&D Foundation
The Smith Richardson Foundation
The Donner Canadian Foundation
The John M. Olin Foundation
The Rickettts Family Foundation
The Fleischer Foundation
And by…The Corporation for Public Broadcasting.

 

Home   The Film   The Timeline   Leaders and Thinkers   Resources   For Teachers
Credits   DVD/Book   PBS Privacy Policy   Contact Us
© 2005 NEW RIVER MEDIA