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| CLASHING WITH CAIRO | |
August 16, 2002 |
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The U.S. threatens to cut new aid to Egypt in protest of last month's conviction of the democracy rights activist, Saad Eddin Ibrahim. |
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RAY SUAREZ: Yesterday, the State Department voiced its concerns both about Ibrahim and political freedom in Egypt.
RAY SUAREZ: For more on Saad Ibrahim, the impact his case is having in the Arab world and on U.S.-Egyptian relations, we get two perspectives. Mohammed Wahby is a retired Egyptian diplomat and is now a columnist for Al-Musawar magazine. And we hoped to be joined momentarily by Fawaz Gerges, a professor of Middle Eastern studies at Sarah Lawrence College; his most recent book, The Islamists and the West: Ideology vs. Pragmatism, will come this fall. We invited the Egyptian embassy to appear on this segment but they declined. Mohammed Wahby, tell us a little bit about sad Ibrahim. What should Americans know about him? |
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| Egypt's complaint against Ibrahim | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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RAY SUAREZ: You are talking about his record as an academic. What about his work being outspoken about the state of democracy in Egypt? Would his reputation carry to other places in the Middle East in the Arabic-speaking world?
The problem is that he has contravened, he has broken a certain law in Egypt, which stipulates that any individual or organization in Egypt receiving money from any organization abroad, this money should be reported to the competent authority, how much he has received, for what purpose it will be used and Saad has not done this. And you know, there is a law very similar to this now in the United States, you know. This law was actually promulgated because of terrorist activities in Egypt. Egypt was exposed to terrorism much earlier than the United States. And therefore this law was legislated in order to make sure that there will be know one from outside Egypt who would use money in order to infiltrate into Egypt and carry out some terrorist activities. |
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| Public opinion of the U.S. in the Arab world | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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MOHAMMED WAHBY: The United States, in my view, the tactic it has adopted is counterproductive. From the beginning it used to receive press releases from the embassy in Cairo, condemning more or less or denouncing whatever the government has been doing.
But also we should not forget the context, the context in which the United States has been doing this is extremely dangerous. The United States now is at the very low ebb in the Arab world because of its stand on Iraq, because of its stand on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, as well as what it has done in Sudan. It has reached an agreement with Sudan and the southern liberation movement without consulting Egypt, without Egypt being in the picture. But also there is also the fact that if the United States is so agitated about the human rights of one individual, whoever he may be, the United States is not agitated at all about the violation of human rights of three million people in Palestine. We have not heard anything about this. Very rarely we have heard anything about this. |
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| U.S. pressure on Egypt | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Fawaz Gerges, welcome to the program. Was the public nature of the pressure from the United States on Egypt complicating the Saad Ibrahim case for Egypt?
I think finally what the administration has done is to really pursue what I call a middle way approach, appeasing critics of Egypt here in the United States while not endangering a major relationship with a strategic ally in the Arab world. FAWAZ GERGES: So instead of using the threat of reducing or stopping the nearly $2 billion in Egypt that Washington provides to Cairo, it says "listen, we will warn you, we will not provide you with any further new aid," that's almost $150 million requested by Egypt in the aftermath of 9/11.
RAY SUAREZ: So it sounds like you're saying this was halfway measures all the way around; that they came late to the issue, and then only joined on it in order to appease domestic critics here in the United States? FAWAZ GERGES: Absolutely. Absolutely, because initially, as I said, the administration said very little about the re-sentencing of Ibrahim. And the critical question here is the following: Does the new step undertaken by the Bush Administration represent, I think, a fundamental shift in its approach to the question of promotion of human rights and democracy in the Arab Middle East? Does it signal a new awareness of the need to promote or advance the rule of law and transparent institutions for strategic, not tactical, reasons? Let's remember here that Ibrahim is not the only political prisoner in Egypt. There are thousands of political prisoners in Egypt and other Arab countries. And in fact, most of America's Arab allies have little respect for human rights and in fact repress political opposition; and in fact this political repression tends to create what I call vacuums of legitimate authorities which tend to be exploited by militant elements like Zahawari and bin Laden's variety.
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| America's new human rights policy? | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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You see, it is the double standard, which is so flagrant in this case, which is really making everybody angry. There is also another thing. Egypt has had a number of citizens here who have been locked up in prisons without charges, without even the benefit of having a lawyer or any kind of defense... RAY SUAREZ: You mean in the detentions after September 11. MOHAMMED WAHBY: Yes, after detention. Now, had Egypt come out publicly criticizing the United States for doing that? Does this case also have or doesn't it have some human rights dimension? But Egypt is always trying to deal with the United States in a diplomatic and through the diplomatic channel rather than coming out and muddying the waters between the two countries. That is the difference.
RAY SUAREZ: Go ahead, Fawaz Gerges. FAWAZ GERGES: May I add a footnote? Unfortunately, it seems to me that every time there is a basic domestic situation, we also always have intellectual and public commentators who tend to focus on the Arab-Israeli conflict. This particular conflict has not only muddied the water but led to what I call the consolidation of the authoritarian state in the Arab world - at the end of the day -- at the end of day, the question of Ibrahim is a domestic question and it has to be dealt with in terms of what does it really mean for democracy and human rights if the Arab world?
Let's remember here that Ibrahim is not a rebel. Ibrahim is not a revolutionary. Throughout the 1980s and 1990s, Ibrahim had very close relationship with the Mubarak government and the first family. He was the senior thesis adviser to Mubarak's wife at the American university and the professor of Mubarak's son at the same university. In fact, Ibrahim's misfortunes stem from the fact that he didn't recognize certain limits . RAY SUAREZ: Professor Gerges, I'm going to have to cut you off because we're out of time. Thanks a lot. |
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