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Nigeria's
Oil Industry: A Cursed Blessing? |
Posted:
July 2003 |
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The 11th and
final country to join the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) in 1971, Nigeria's 25 billion barrels of proven
oil reserves place it among the world's top oil-producing nations.
The country plans to boost its oil reserves to at least 40 billion
barrels by 2010 after recently discovering large oil deposits
in deeper offshore waters, according to OPEC and the Nigerian
Ministry of Petroleum Resources.
Nigeria's economy is
heavily dependent on its oil sector, which accounts for some 90
percent of export revenues and 41 percent of its gross domestic
product, according to a 2002 report by the World Bank and information
from the Nigerian Ministry of Petroleum Resources.
The United
States is Nigeria's top export partner. Nigeria in 2002 ranked
as the U.S.'s fifth-largest oil supplier, although its exports
have dropped by 8 percent since 1997, according to the Central
Bank of Nigeria. The U.S. Office of Trade characterizes Nigerian-American
commercial relations as "essentially strong," noting
that U.S. imports from Nigeria, mostly oil, totaled $5 billion
for the first half of 2001.
Despite its
relative abundance of natural resources, the expansion of Nigeria's
oil sector has been stymied by its antiquated infrastructure and
the "frustratingly slow" movement of goods through Nigeria's
major ports, according to the U.S. Office of Trade in 2002. The
U.S. government attributes these problems which continue
in 2003, according to the U.S. Department of Energy to
mismanagement during the dictatorship of General Sani Abacha from
1993 to 1998.
Nigerian law has historically
barred foreign firms from owning 100 percent of oil enterprises
and other businesses the government deemed important to national
security. However, President Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria's leader
since 1999, has introduced reforms to privatize the government-owned
and -subsidized oil operations, or parastatals, partly in an attempt
to attract more capital investment and foreign business partners.
In 2003, Obasanjo's
administration announced the government would be selling off the
four state-owned oil refineries, all of its petrochemical plants
and its oil marketing company, the Pipelines and Products Marketing
Company (PPMC). The U.S. Trade Office welcomed the move, although
it cautioned that Nigeria's privatization process appeared to
be prone to delay, according to its 2002 country commercial guide.
A small number of domestic
private oil businesses, such as Famfa Oil Limited, have increased
their stake in the oil sector, following the Nigerian government's
1990 program to help boost indigenous participation. Those companies,
however, represent a much smaller stake in Nigeria's petroleum
industry than the multinational firms.
Otherwise, nearly all
of Nigeria's oil production and development projects are owned
by joint venture operations between the government-owned Nigerian
National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and multinational corporations.
The biggest
joint venture operation, the Shell Petroleum Development Company
Ltd., accounts for more than half of Nigeria's daily oil production
and reserves. The massive operation is partly owned by the NNPC,
which controls a 55 percent stake and the Netherlands-based Royal
Dutch/Shell Group of Companies, with a 30 percent interest. Elf
Petroleum, a subsidiary of the Paris-based TotalFinaElf, owns
10 percent, while Agip, a subsidiary of Italian energy giant Eni,
holds a 5 percent stake.
The Mobil
Producing Nigeria Unlimited is the second-largest joint venture
operation, of which the NNPC owns 60 percent and the Texas-based
Exxon Mobil holds the remaining 40 percent.
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The
Oil Industry's Conflicts With Indigenous Communities |
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Nigeria's
government took in more than $17 billion from oil exports in 2002,
but the petroleum industry generates few employment opportunities
or income for the majority of Nigerians, whose per capita income
falls below $300 per year, according to the U.S. Embassy in Nigeria's
2002 commercial guide.
Most of Nigeria's oil
fields are located in the swamps of the Niger Delta, an oil-rich
region that is also the main location of ongoing social conflict
and political violence.
The high unemployment
and poverty levels in the Delta region have exacerbated a long-running
conflict between the indigenous community and the oil companies.
Some elements of the population have even turned to hostile activities
like sabotage, kidnapping and extortion.
According
to a 2002 World Bank report, additional sources of conflict stem
from the multinational petroleum corporations' decisions to contract
foreign workers instead of members of the local population, which
has kept the indigenous communities from enjoying the benefits
of their region's oil resources. Native communities have also
protested the environmental pollution and damage they say has
come from oil companies' development projects, for which the native
peoples claim they rarely receive compensation, according to lawsuit
transcripts filed on their behalf.
The problems facing such communities gained international attention
in 1995 after the execution of activist and writer Ken Saro-Wiwa,
who protested against Shell's oil development projects and environmental
damage to the native land of the Ogoni people, an ethnic group
that predominates in the Niger Delta region.
Saro-Wiwa created and
led the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People, one of
Nigeria's first large-scale protest movements aimed at protecting
native lands from economic and ecological exploitation by the
military government and multinational oil companies.
In response
to the execution, the United States, England and the European
Union imposed sanctions against the Abacha regime. These sanctions
were lifted following Abacha's death in 1998.
Under President
Obasanjo, Nigeria has sought to alleviate friction between indigenous
communities and oil corporations. Obasanjo in 2000 declared a
13 percent revenue re-allocation program for the communities in
the Niger Delta's oil-producing regions, a notable increase from
the previous 3 percent allocation.
Still, conflicts
between oil workers, corporations and local populations continue
to plague the country and its oil sector.
The NNPC
reported more than 800 incidents of pipeline sabotage from January
through October 2000, and the government lost some $4 billion
in oil revenues that year due to vandalism. In January 2001, the
Nigerian navy announced plans to crack down on arson attacks on
oil facilities. The government also ordered the navy to sink any
ship carrying stolen crude products destined for the black market.
In
July 2002, some 150 women in southern Nigeria occupied a Chevron
oil terminal, trapping some 800 workers, to demand better employment
for their families and investment in the local community. The
eight-day siege ended after the Chevron Nigeria firm agreed to
the women's demands to hire more than two dozen villagers and
to build schools, water systems and other amenities.
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Oil
Corporations and Improving Community Relations |
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The siege
occurred just one month after several international oil conglomerates,
including the California-based ChevronTexaco, Shell Oil (a subsidiary
of Royal Dutch/Shell Group), and TotalFinaElf, suspended oil production
in the Niger Delta region and evacuated most of their staffs,
due to the increased fighting between the armed forces and the
Ijaw ethnic group. This temporary suspension halted nearly 40
percent of the country's total oil output, delivering a sharp
blow to Nigeria's economy and to foreign confidence in the country's
oil industry.
Since then, Shell has reported a "welcome
reduction" in the number of hostage-taking cases from 45
in 2001 to 24 in 2002. Shell attributed the change to oil companies'
efforts toward improving community relations, along with the Obasanjo
government's reforms and initiatives to better integrate the native
population with the oil sector.
Bill Knight, a regional program director of Pro-Natura,
a non-governmental organization, told the Christian Science Monitor
in May 2003 that the oil industry is taking steps to improve community
relations, but adds that big difficulties remain, such as the
dispute between villages receiving substantial aid from oil companies
and those receiving nothing at all.
"The
oil companies are changing gradually," Knight said. "Nothing
is going to change overnight -- but there is a lot of positive
thinking going on."
--
By Elizabeth Harper, Online NewsHour
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