CHINA TRADE DEBATE

May 2000
		Human Rights: Human Rights Watch Washington Director Michael Jendrzejczyk answers questions on human rights in China -- and whether the U.S. should pursue normalized trade. Also available: Free Trade and Labor

Free Trade Advocates: The Cato Institute Human Rights Activists: Human Rights Watch Labor Unions: The Teamsters     Online NewsHour Special Report: The China Trade Debate Q&A: PNTR Debate: * Free Trade * Human Rights * Labor Dec. 1, 1999: A discussion on China, trade and democracy Nov. 18, 1999: An interview with U.S. Trade Representative Charlene Barshefsky Nov. 15, 1999: A discussion on the U.S.-China Trade deal. July 30, 1999: Beijing cracks down on the meditation group Falun Gong. Feb. 26, 1999: The U.S. State Dept. releases its yearly human rights report. Dec. 30, 1998: A report on muzzling dissent in China. June 29, 1998: President Clinton challenges China on human rights. Online NewsHour Special Reports: The WTO and Global Trade The World Bank & IMF Complete NewsHour coverage of Asia   AFL-CIO Cato Institute Human Rights Watch International Brotherhood of Teamsters United States-China Business Council

1. How would you briefly describe the human rights situation in China? Is it getting better, worse or is it fairly stable? The human rights situation has worsened recently in some significant ways, with a tightening of controls on basic freedoms that began in late 1998, escalated in 1999, and has continued this year. When Mary Robinson, the U.N. High Commissioner on Human Rights, visited Beijing in March she condemned the crackdown on free expression, religion and association. The government also just launched its annual "Strike Hard" anti-crime campaign, targeting both common criminals and suspected dissidents. The authorities seem determined to maintain "social stability" at all costs.   2. How has increased trade to this point affected the human rights situation in China? Increased trade has helped to fuel further opening of China's economic system. The Communist Party's economic reforms, launched by Deng Xiaoping, have led to more personal freedom for many of China's citizens since the 1980s, for example, related to their ability to live and work where they choose. But when it comes to political freedom or fundamental political reform, there is no evidence thus far of trade in itself improving human rights. In areas with the largest influx of foreign investment, restrictions on peaceful political, religious or independent labor activities are as stringent as in other parts of China.   3. Does HRW subscribe to the theory that engagement and trade will bring reform to China? If so, should PNTR be pursued? If not, why not? Human Rights Watch believes that engagement with China must be accompanied by sustained, serious pressure for greater compliance with China's international human rights obligations. Engagement and expanded trade -- including China's entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO) -- can be useful catalysts for long-term change, but in themselves are insufficient. It's clear that China does respond to credible pressure -- especially from its key trading partners, like the U.S., China's largest export market. We believe that concrete, but realistic human rights conditions should be attached to Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR); until Beijing meets the conditions, the annual trade renewal process should continue.   4. Who would normalized trade benefit more -- the people or government of China? If Congress does grant PNTR to China, and China is admitted into the WTO, there will be economic and other benefits for some Chinese citizens, and at least in the short turn, serious disruption and social dislocation for others, including millions of workers in the state-run enterprises who face loss of their jobs, housing, health care, and other employment-related benefits. It will also give a boost to the leadership of President Jiang Zemin.   5. Legislation is pending to create a body to monitor human rights in China. If this were adopted, would HRW feel more comfortable with PTNR? And, did yearly consideration of MFN by the U.S. improve the human rights situation in China? If so, how? 5) Under the pressure of the annual trade debate, prior to President Clinton's May 1994 "delinking" decision, the Chinese government did make some important, though limited, human rights concessions. It released prominent political prisoners, began talks with the International Committee of the Red Cross on access to prisons, and took other steps. More recently, the debate has helped keep the spotlight on China's abuses. If PNTR is granted and the annual trade review ends, we would support creation of another mechanism, such as an executive-Congressional commission to monitor human rights in China. However, to be credible and effective, there should be a clause in legislation creating the commission that requires the Congress to debate and vote every year on the commission's report and its recommendations for U.S. policy actions.