Under Yeltsin's leadership in the mid-1990s, Russia had fought a war designed to keep Chechnya from becoming an independent state. Tensions resurfaced in September 1999, when a deadly series of apartment building bombings swept through Moscow and other parts of Russia. Yeltsin's government blamed the attacks on Chechen rebels. Putin, then prime minister, responded quickly, sending troops back to the region and bluntly threatening, "If we catch them in the toilet, we will rub them out in the outhouse."

After weeks of heavy shelling, Russian troops entered Grozny on February 1, 2000. War has continued since then, drawing international criticism for its toll on Chechen civilians. In late 2001, talks between the two sides failed when Putin demanded the surrender of rebel leaders and Chechen officials insisted on recognition of regional sovereignty.

After the September 11, 2001 attacks on the U.S., Putin quickly drew parallels between the war in Chechnya and the United States' war on terrorism. His government emphasized possible links between Chechen rebels and Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida terrorist network. During a televised speech, Putin urged Chechen fighters to "halt all contacts with international terrorists."

In late September 2001, the Russian parliament's lower house issued a resolution justifying a stronger crackdown in Chechnya, saying it recognized the need for Moscow to "take decisive measures to protect Russian citizens from terrorism and cut off external support for terrorist groups acting in Chechnya."

By the summer of 2002, Putin had adopted a milder tone, telling a news conference that he thought Chechen civilians had been unfairly labeled terrorists when most were the victims of an ineffective Russian state that had allowed rebels to gain control.

"Clearly, Russia's military state machinery failed," he said. He also expressed regret for the zachistkas, or mop-up operations, the Russian army carried out to capture militants. Human rights groups have criticized these sweeps for allegedly targeting civilians.

But the possible thawing of relations ended in October 2002, when Chechen militants stormed a Moscow theater and held some 800 members of the audience hostage. Since the assault, in which at least 130 hostages and all the separatists died during a rescue effort, Putin has maintained a tough stance and shelved a plan to reduce troops in the region.

Sergei Ivanov, Russia's defense minister, said in November that in response to intelligence suggesting Chechen fighters were planning further attacks on Russians, the military had started "a large-scale, tough but targeted special operation in all the regions of Chechnya."

Putin has refused to negotiate with the separatists or with the Chechen president, Aslan Maskhadov, whose term ended earlier in 2002 without new elections being called.

The Chechens, meanwhile, will vote in March on a constitutional referendum that rules out independence, but would give Chechnya some degree of self-governance within Russia. The vote is designed to pave the way for a presidential election.

Skeptics, however, argue that the referendum will not be effective unless it is preceded by peace talks.

"This is putting the cart before the horse," Tatiana Kasadkina, executive director of Memorial, a Russian human rights group with a presence in Chechnya, told the Christian Science Monitor in December. "First there must be peace talks that include those who are actually fighting."

Whether or not the referendum successfully restores some peace and stability to the region, it appears the Russian military will remain in Chechnya. According to The Guardian, Russian Defense Minister Sergei Ivanov has said some troops will be stationed in Chechnya "permanently."

-- By Karyn Schwartz, Online NewsHour