Visit Your Local PBS Station PBS Home PBS Home Programs A-Z TV Schedules Watch Video Support PBS Shop PBS Search PBS

a NewsHour with Jim Lehrer Transcript
Online NewsHour Online Focus
RUSSIA'S ROLE

June 17, 1999

 

In Helsinki, Finland, U.S. and Russian officials have been holding talks on what role Russia should play in the NATO-led peacekeeping force in Kosovo. Margaret Warner and guests discuss the sticking points of the negotiations.

realaudio

NewsHour Links

Strikes in Yugoslavia coverage

June 11, 1999:
Newsmaker interview with President Clinton.

June 11, 1999:
Foreign policy experts on the Kosovo peace agreement

June 8, 1999:
Senator Lugar and former Senator Nunn discuss Russia's role as peace broker.

Documents
U.N. Resolution
Military Technical Agreement

May 12, 1999:
President Yeltsin dismisses his government

May 12, 1999:
President Yeltsin's statement on the firing of his cabinet

May 6, 1999:
The ministers of the G-8 map out a plan for peace with Russia's help.

April 13, 1999:
British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook talks about diplomacy and Russia.

April 6, 1999:
Secretary of State Madeleine Albright discusses Kosovo and Russia.

Sept. 14, 1998:
Enter Primakov

Sept. 2, 1998:
Clinton and Yeltsin meet in Moscow

Complete NewsHour coverage of Europe


Outside Links

Russian Government

Russian Embassy in Washington, DC

The White House

NATO

U.S. State Department

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia

Serbian Ministry of Information

 

MARGARET WARNER: We get three perspectives on that issue, two Russian and one American. Nina Krushcheva is director of communications at the East-West Institute in New York. She is the great granddaughter of the former Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev. Anna Vassilieva is head of the Russian Studies Program at the Monterey Institute of International Studies. She is a graduate of the Diplomatic Academy of the Russian Federation. And Jack Matlock was ambassador to the then-Soviet Union during the Reagan and Bush administrations. He now teaches at Princeton University's Institute for advanced Study. Welcome all. Anna Vassilieva, why is it so important to the Russians to have a role in Kosovo after this war?

ANNA VASSILIEVA: Well, Margaret, I think we should look at this issue on not being led by the rational approaches, the way the westerners used to deal with Russia, but let's try and look at the Russian perspective. And at the moment, it seems to me Russians are driven by emotions more than by rational considerations. What we have seen in the past was the pattern of Russians suppressing their negative emotions and frustrations over the unfulfilled NATO promises, over not listening to Russian considerations when making decisions regarding Kosovo. Now is, to my mind, the critical moment when the West has to listen very carefully to Russian needs and Russian demands because, to my opinion, it's a crucial moment not just in Russian-American relations, but in the situation in the world in general.

MARGARET WARNER: But when you say they're reacting more out of emotion than anything else, what do you mean?

 
Russia's expectations.

ANNA VASSILIEVA: What I mean is that there are lots of expectations on the part of the Russian people, the population of Russia, a well as the government officials that are not fulfilled by the West, the western governments, as it was expected. We know that there is a very popular notion in Russia that when Gorbachev came to power and when perestroika started, the West promised that NATO is not going to expand, NATO is not going to go against Russia in any possible way, and that it will be a defensive mechanism, rather than anything else. And Russians believed those promises and withdrew their troops from Eastern Europe and the reaction was very emotional. And they were hoping, indeed, that the West will keep their promises. I'm talking about the popular notion among the Russians and Russian politicians. What we have been seeing recently was the tendency to ignore Russian concerns. And here we see real emotional feelings, you know, people in Russia feel being betrayed. You know, they did feel betrayed before the war in Kosovo started and they feel much more betrayed now after mass media in Russia had been portraying the situation in Kosovo from the point of view of Serbs and Serbian interests and Russian interests, rather than from the point of view that was widely accepted in the United States and the western countries.

MARGARET WARNER: Okay. Nina Khrushcheva, is that what you think is driving, this kind of an emotional reaction?

NINA KHRUSHCHEVA: Yes, I absolutely agree with Anna on that, that Russians react very emotionally to that. And there are certain expectations, which I'm not going to go into details now. What I disagree with is that the West does not sort of disregard Russian reactions and Russian concerns. I think they're being very understanding, and they're being very accommodating to Russia's desire to keep its superpower position, and I actually admire them for that. My problem with the whole situation is that the West does not believe that Russia is a superpower anymore, and very rightly so. And so all this admissions to G-8, I mean which was G-7 plus one, all of a sudden it became G-8, let's communicate on the Kosovo peace process and let's involve Russia in that as a major player, let's consider Russian role in the sort of troop deployment thing and so on and so forth. This is all very wonderful on the western side. I don't believe that the West really believes -- that the West really thinks that Russia can play a major great role in the whole situation. But Russia buys this kind of attitude, and it does things that all these special privileges that are given by the West, Russia deserved to have -- and then where the problem comes because I think that the West being dishonest in treating Russia is still a great power, at least pretending that it would like to. And Russia is sort of emotionally would like to believe that it is a great power and I think that's what we're facing here because Russia thinks that, once something was promised to the Soviet Union ten years ago, is still going to go on. Well, the world has changed, and we really have to face the reality now.

MARGARET WARNER: Jack Matlock, do you see it that way that the Russians making this move on the airport was kind of an emotional reaction to not being afforded respect and a way of saying, "we're players?" That's what they want?

JACK MATLOCK: I think that's exactly what was behind it. It obviously was a rash act and one that was probably more annoying than really damaging. But there is a real issue here, and I think that the fact is that without Russia, we're not really going to have peace and stability in Europe because we need their assistance diplomatically. And let's forget who's a great power and who is not. Actually, most of these issues are not decided by the sort of power that great powers are supposed to have. And, as -- of course -- as a nuclear power, Russia still has at least the second largest and maybe the largest arsenal in the world. So if we think in those terms, I think we're likely to miss the point.

MARGARET WARNER: I'm sorry. If we think in what terms?

JACK MATLOCK: In terms of Russia not being necessarily a great power anymore. Obviously, in an economic sense, they're not, but they never were in the economic sense a very great power.

MARGARET WARNER: But you mean -

JACK MATLOCK: What I mean is that without their political assistance, without their active assistance in bringing stability, we are not going to be able to solve these problems. And I think we found that in Kosovo. We bombed against their advice, and actually the atrocities, most of them occurred after the bombing started, then we had to turn to them for assistance in getting us out of it. And I think that assistance was essential. Now they're asked to be treated as one of the team, given a sector or something and I'm sure they'll work something out. But I think that what they're asking for is not that unreasonable.

MARGARET WARNER: Anna Vassilieva, what do you think are Russia's intentions if they are given or -- not given, but if they achieve a role in Kosovo? I mean do you think they want to cooperate with the U.N. mandate? Do you think they want to carve out their own area of influence? Do you think they want to help the Serbs? What do you think really are their intentions?

Russia's intentions.  

ANNA VASSILIEVA: Well, first of all, I do believe that the intention is the most noble. You know, we have no reason to suspect that Russians are going to go to Kosovo to do something harmful. I definitely think that Russians are going to try to achieve the agreements according to the U.N. laws, international laws. And for the Russians, it is extremely important to be there, as Ambassador Matlock has mentioned. We're not talking here about a great or non-great power being invited to participate in some kind of an event. The world has seen and is convinced that it is extremely important for the Russians to assert their own role in this particular conflict. The world has seen that Russia has been struggling to achieve, if not the quality, at least the respect to its opinions and the desire of the West to cooperate on the issues that are important for the Russians. So I see Russia's involvement with the situation in Kosovo as a necessary one because, to me, it is obvious that the Serbs -- the situation with the Serbs is not going to be solved without Russian participation, and the Russians are instrumental for preserving peace in Kosovo and keeping it for the future. Let's not talk about just what's happening now, but let's look at the situation in the future, as well. And Russian presence there is very important for stabilizing the situation, I think.

MARGARET WARNER: Nina Khrushcheva, what about that point? I mean, we hear this a lot, that the Russians, the Serbs, and the Kosovars probably won't -- there will be no stability there without the Russians?

NINA KHRUSHCHEVA: Well, I think degree with the point that Russia has to be involved in the peacekeeping process. What I disagree with is how Russia tries to assert its importance there. And for example, the private -- the separate sector for Russia and separate sector there under Russian control, I'm not sure it's such a great idea because this was not Russia's war. This was NATO's war. Russia was involved in it only in the peacekeeping process because it is very important for Russia and the world to have this place in peace, and thus Russia has to be involved. However, I don't see why, when NATO five sectors are going to be in the region, how Russia -- Russia has different objectives in this war. Russia has different objectives in this particular part of the world, and what I think would be more reasonable thing to have is to have maybe a battalion or some sort of involvement of Russian troops in each of these sectors so Russia would be represented, it would carry on its point of view. And frankly, I'm afraid that if Russia is given a sector, then there would be something else. I'm just -- my problem with the whole situation is that they try to come to the agreement, everything is fine, and all of a sudden Russia does something which is completely unexpected, unpredictable and in a way makes no sense. And I don't think it's going to stop with the given sector or not given sector. And I think Russia is much better off being involved in each sector as sort of separate and, on the other hand, integrated force.

MARGARET WARNER: All right. Jack Matlock, where do you come down on this point, how reliable Russia would be as a partner in Kosovo?

JACK MATLOCK: Well, I think you have to give them an incentive to be a reliable partner. This is something we've not been very good about in the last few years, starting with NATO expansion and the other things which, in effect, leaves them out of the club, so to speak. I think that if we expect them to take a responsibility, which they need to do, we need to treat them as a reliable partner and have them accept that responsibility. Obviously, there needs to be a chain of command. The sectoral problem was worked out in Bosnia. I'm sure it will be now -- this time, just what methods, I don't know. But I'm sure that that will be worked out because it is in Russia's interest to be there. But I can understand the reluctance to be formally under NATO command, given the fact that they're not in NATO. They'll find a way to finesse the issue and they are probably waiting until Yeltsin meets with the other leaders in the G-8 or the G-7, plus one, to make that decision.

MARGARET WARNER: All right. Well, thank you all three very much.


    REGIONS | TOPICS | RECENT PROGRAMS | ABOUT US | FEEDBACK |SUBSCRIPTIONS / FEEDS:
POD|RSS
SEARCH
Funded, in part, by:ChevronIntelBNSF RailwayWells FargoToyotaMonsantoCorporation for Public Broadcasting
            Support the kind of journalism done by the NewsHour...Become a member of your local PBS station.
PBS Online Privacy Policy

Copyright ©1996- MacNeil/Lehrer Productions. All Rights Reserved.