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| SEN. GEORGE MITCHELL | |
 October 16, 1998 
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Former Sen. George Mitchell headed the negotiations that lead to the Northern Ireland peace accord. Two of the key Northern Ireland politicans that participated in those talks, John Hume and David Trimble, were honored today with the Nobel Peace Prize. Sen. Mitchell discusses the peace award and the state of the peace process with Elizabeth Farnsworth.
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ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Thank you very much for being with us, Senator. GEORGE MITCHELL: Thanks for having me. ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: We just heard John Hume's praise for you, and the president actually said you deserve equal credit for the peace agreement, so congratulations to you. GEORGE MITCHELL: Thank you very much. |
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Honoring "great political courage."
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GEORGE MITCHELL: Well, of course, Mr. Trimble had and still has a particularly difficult problem, because the Unionist community was and is divided in support of the agreement. There are two Unionist parties that publicly oppose it. And within his own party there is some disagreement over some elements of the agreement. And I think what he showed was courage and determination. At several critical points in the process he could have brought it to an end by withdrawing from the talks, as other Unionist parties did, but he stuck with it and stayed until the end, working out solutions to the difficult problems of the Northern Ireland assembly and the new North/South institutions that will encourage trade between Northern and Southern Ireland and other contacts to their mutual benefit, so he really does deserve this award. ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: What made him come to support the idea of a peace agreement and all the provisions of this one? He'd been a hard-liner; he'd been opposed to any power sharing with the Nationalists. GEORGE MITCHELL: I believe that he - like all of the other participants there at the end - recognized that this was an opportunity to settle in truly historic terms a conflict that had gone on for centuries and had plagued their society for all of their lives, and he did not want to let that opportunity pass by. And I think he did it for the right reasons. ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: What was it like dealing with him? As we saw in the piece that introduced John Hume, David Trimble has a reputation for being difficult to deal with.
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An uncertain peace. |
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ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Well, on the question of difficulties, I noticed that David Trimble reacted very cautiously to the award today, saying that, as we heard earlier, that he hoped it wouldn't be premature. And then he said, "We cannot say with absolute certainty there is peace in Northern Ireland." Is it that fragile? GEORGE MITCHELL: Well, no society has ever been able to obtain the complete absence of violence, including our own. We're proud to be Americans, but, of course, we live in a very violent society, and Northern Ireland has had a particular type of politically-organized and motivated violence. I think it's both appropriate to recognize the progress that's been made even while acknowledging that difficult steps remain ahead. When I announced the agreement on Good Friday of this year, I said that the agreement does not in and of itself guarantee peace. It makes the achievement of peace possible. Many difficult issues remain to be resolved. I think that's what Mr. Trimble was referring to. I think he's right in a sense, but I also think that it's correct to recognize how far they've come and to give credit to he and John Hume individually and as representatives of all of the political parties. Remember, there were two governments and six other political parties that supported these - this agreement at the end, and they deserve a lot of credit as well. |
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The role of John Hume.
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ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: We just heard from John Hume, of course, but tell us your view of his role in the process. GEORGE MITCHELL: John Hume was essentially the architect of the process, the man who over 30 years insisted that Northern Ireland people in both communities had ultimately to come together, that violence was not the way forward. It was a long, lonely trail for him, but he, more than anyone, created the vision of this process and sustained it over a very long period of time. This is a good choice for those two reasons. Without John Hume, there would not have been a peace process. Without David Trimble, there would not have been a peace agreement, and so their roles complemented each other in that respect, and I think it's good not just for them but for the entire people of Northern Ireland who are wonderful people, energetic, productive, good people. I think this will give them something to be proud of and give them a greater insensitive to keep the peace process going.
GEORGE MITCHELL: Well, there will clearly be some of that, because he has opposition within his party and within his community. I think that will be outweighed, however, by the larger -- and what I regard as more correct -- majority who feels that this is something to move forward with. The Unionists supported the agreement by a vote of 55 to 45 percent in the election on May 22nd. I think it likely that percentage would be a little bit higher now, but it will take time, because, as I said, it is a divided community, which points up the political difficulty that David Trimble has had and will have. But he's done a great job under very difficult circumstances. |
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Northern Ireland's achievements. |
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ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: You mentioned that there's much to be done but that there are achievements. You just go back from Northern Ireland. What achievements can you see and feel there?
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Is the question of disarmament currently the main obstacle? GEORGE MITCHELL: Well, it is one of several main obstacles. It has been an obstacle from the very beginning. I first got involved at the request of the British and Irish governments late in 1995 on the issue of the de-commissioning of weapons held by paramilitary organizations. At every stage in the negotiating process it was an obstacle; it remains an obstacle today. I believe it must be done. The agreement commits all parties to work to achieve it within a two-year period. But there's no question. It is a problem. It will remain a problem, and it will take the best good faith efforts of all participants to achieve the desired result. |
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Paramilitary disarmament. |
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ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Just tell us briefly, what is the current status of it? Both sides of the paramilitaries are refusing to disarm, is that right? GEORGE MITCHELL: That's correct, but the agreement provides that everyone involved commits themselves to the total disarmament of all paramilitary organizations within a period of two years from the time of the agreement, and the principles of democracy and non-violence, which I and my colleagues drafted way back two years ago, they came to be known as the Mitchell principles, which every party had to sign up to, to get into the talks, also commit them to that objective. And so I believe that these men and women are serious. They've said they will accomplish it, or they will do all they can to accomplish it. And they've got to do it now. ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Sen. Mitchell, could this still be undone?
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Well, Sen. Mitchell, thank you very much for being with us. GEORGE MITCHELL: Thank you. |
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ELIZABETH
FARNSWORTH: John Hume's co-laureate, David Trimble, declined our request
for an interview, but we're pleased to welcome former U.S. Senate Majority
Leader George Mitchell, who served as chairman of the Northern Ireland
peace talks that brought about the Good Friday agreement. 
ELIZABETH
FARNSWORTH: The Nobel citation for the co-laureate, David Trimble, said
that he showed "great political courage when at a critical stage in
the process he advocated solutions which led to the peace agreement."
What kinds of solutions? 
GEORGE
MITCHELL: I never had any personal difficulty with David Trimble. We
get along quite well. I think there's an element of mutual respect.
I actually got along pretty well with all of the participants there.
They've had a tough time because they've grown up in a society in which
there's been an overlay of violence involved with politics, and the
constituencies have been difficult for them to manage and still seek
the greater good for the whole society. I think that's what's particularly
credible and deserves applause - he and John Hume leading their communities
to common ground. It's not easy. There's still a long way to go, I might
say. There will be many difficulties along the road, but I think this
will give the whole process a forward momentum. 
ELIZABETH
FARNSWORTH: Could it hurt anything? And I asked that question because
one wire today suggested that those in David Trimble's party, who very
much resent outside interference, may consider this an attempt from
outside to interfere in the process, and it could undercut David Trimble.
What do you think about that? 
GEORGE
MITCHELL: Well, of course, first and foremost is the existence of a
peace. Every known paramilitary organization is now on a cease-fire.
It doesn't sound much like in our terms, but no one has been killed
in political violence for about two months since the terrible tragedy
of the bombing at Omagh. A new Northern Ireland assembly has been created,
the first time they've had self-government in more than a quarter century.
They're talking with each other. David Trimble and Gerry Adams met;
they discussed the problems; they're in a tough spot, but they're working
very hard to get it done. All of those things are very positive, and
I think the most important thing is that in the election with a very
high percentage of participation by eligible voters, people North and
South in Ireland approve this agreement by a very substantial margin.
The people have spoken. They want peace, and they want their political
leaders to take the steps necessary to secure that peace. This, I think,
is further wind at the sails that will hopefully keep that process moving
in the right direction. 
GEORGE
MITCHELL: Oh, yes. There's no question about it. You know, we benefit
from technology in so many ways, but we tend to lose sight of the fact
that one of the ways in which technology has advanced very rapidly is
in the art of killing. It's easier, cheaper, less expensive, requires
less skill to kill people these days. So relatively small numbers of
people can impose their will on the large majority if they are unscrupulous
and immoral enough to use force and violence and the threat of force
and violence to accomplish their political objectives. That remains
a possibility. You have people on both ends of the spectrum who believe
that they must get their solution 100 percent and that any compromise
is a sellout or a cave-in or however else you want to describe it. That
possibility remains. I think it's receding over time. I think today's
events will make it less likely, but no one can dismiss the possibility.
