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RAY
SUAREZ: When California passed one of the nation's first medical marijuana
laws in 1996, dozens of cannabis clubs sprang up for the purpose of
selling the drug for medicinal use. The Compassionate Use Act, also
know as Proposition 215, allows seriously ill people to grow and use
marijuana for medical purposes, with a doctor's recommendation. The
legislation is broadly worded to include the treatment of cancer, anorexia,
AIDS, chronic pain, and glaucoma, and any other illness for which marijuana
provides relief. Some doctors and patients say the drug helps combat
a range of symptoms from those diseases.
CBC
EMPLOYEE: These are marijuana edibles. We have rice crispy treats.
RAY SUAREZ: The federal government opposed the California law, saying
Prop. 215 undermined federal enforcement of drug laws. The Clinton administration's
drug control policy director expressed his concerns on the NewsHour
in December
of 1996.
GEN.
BARRY McCAFFREY (Ret.): We think this proposition in California and
a similar one in Arizona that approved heroin and LSD are simply a disaster.
We really don't see it as a medical issue. It's the quasi-legalization
of drugs.
RAY SUAREZ: The California law didn't address how patients would get
their marijuana.
CBC EMPLOYEE: Oakland CBC.
RAY
SUAREZ: Clubs like the Oakland Cannabis Buyers' Cooperative, which was
sanctioned by the state of California, provided patients with a legitimate
place to buy marijuana and marijuana plants. In 1998, the Justice Department
sued the Oakland cooperative and five other California cannabis clubs
for violating federal drug law by distributing, and in some cases, growing
marijuana. A federal judge sided with the government and ordered the
clubs to stop. All of them, except the Oakland Club, eventually closed
down. Then last year the Ninth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled medical
necessity is a legal defense. Before leaving office, the Clinton administration
appealed to the Supreme Court. At a news conference today in Washington,
a cancer patient explained why he needs marijuana.
CREIGHTON
FROST: All I want is to be left alone to die comfortably. Without cannabis,
I can't eat. It's just literally... I can't even go into the kitchen.
I can't even start food cooking. I can't sleep without it. I can't take
sleep medications. There is a variety of types of medications, not just
one or two - entire spectrums -- that I can't touch without cannabis.
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RAY
SUAREZ: Besides California, eight other states have adopted medical
marijuana laws. Today, the U.S. Supreme Court heard arguments over whether
medical necessity is a defense against federal drug bans. The high court
will not rule directly on the legality of California's Prop 215 or medical
marijuana laws in other states. The ruling is expected by the end of
June.
We get more on today's arguments from NewsHour regular Jan Crawford
Greenburg, legal affairs correspondent for The Chicago Tribune.
So, what was the court being asked to rule on -- not on the efficacy
of marijuana as a medicine, right?
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: No. I mean, essentially the government was
asking the Justices to rule that a federal law, which bans the distribution
and use of marijuana, essentially trumps all of these other state laws,
that would permit people who need it for medical reasons to use it.
RAY SUAREZ: So both sides came in today, the Oakland Cannabis Club
and the federal government, what did they have to say in court?
JAN
CRAWFORD GREENBURG: Well, the government lawyer went first. She maintained
that essentially the California law and the federal appeals court ruling
had allowed the creation of marijuana pharmacies, and that these pharmacies
were would essentially undermine the nation's drug laws and lead to
abuse of drugs, and that her point was this federal law must prevail.
RAY SUAREZ: Did the government make the point that it was thus impossible
to have a medical marijuana law or just that California's was too loosely
written and applied?
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: No, and this will not effect -- it's not going
to strike any of the laws from the books. States can still pass the
laws and the laws would stand for the proposition that we as a state
are not going to prosecute you if you use marijuana for medical reasons
but the government's point is that the federal law comes in and the
federal government will say, "we believe marijuana is never appropriate
even for medical reasons." Congress has said as much in the 1970
Controlled Substances Act, which classifies marijuana as a controlled
substance and prohibits its sale or distributes and Congress has said
in recent years that even for medical purposes marijuana is not acceptable.
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RAY
SUAREZ: So what did the Oakland Cannabis Club have to say -
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: The club is arguing that there is a medical
necessity here for these people to take this drug, and so, therefore,
they have a medical reason that should override the law and should come
in and that a court in this case should be allowed to recognize someone's
argument that they have a medical reason, a medical necessity to take
the drug; and that a lower court when it looked at this issue was correct
when it allowed these marijuana clubs to be exempt from the enforcement
in the civil lawsuit of the federal law.
RAY SUAREZ: Was the Oakland Cannabis Club able to site any precedent
where medical necessity was used as an overturning exception to existing
law?
JAN
CRAWFORD GREENBURG: Not to the degree that they are arguing here. And
several of the Justices, for example, the Chief Justice seemed very
concerned that what the club was arguing in this case would dramatically
expand the so-called defense of necessity. Justice Scalia said normally
these kinds of defenses would be brought by a patient and not by the
club that is distributing the drugs. So there was a lot of concern by
the Justices that this was an extraordinary new step in creating a new
defense of necessity.
RAY SUAREZ: And did they direct a lot of their questions to the standards,
to the ways that these dispensaries administered - how people got marijuana?
JAN
CRAWFORD GREENBURG: Sure, Justice Kennedy expressed concern that there
weren't a lot of controls or regulations that some of the marijuana
farms, the government argued, and some of the argument focused on the
very kind of technical legal issue of whether the lower court judge
in this case had this discretion to allow people to get marijuana for
medical reasons, for the medical necessity. It's an interesting issue
the way this whole dispute even came about. The Clinton administration
opted to sue the clubs in a civil lawsuit instead of prosecuting them
under the criminal laws. And it asked a lower court judge to issue an
injunction to stop the clubs from distributing the marijuana, the lower
court judge, who incidentally is Justice Breyer's brother, agreed to
issue this injunction. That went up to the federal appeals court and
the federal appeals court said no, you have discretion as a lower court
judge in this situation, a civil lawsuit, to craft an injunction that
might carve out are carve out and exception and would allow the defense
of medical necessity to be raised. So there was much focus on that today
in court, and some of the Justices seem concerned that the government
should have just charged these clubs for criminally instead of bringing
a civil lawsuit and that perhaps that might run afoul of separation
of powers concerns, that was a concern of Justice Kennedy. He said that
the government's action here by filing the civil lawsuit essentially
turned the lower court judge into a prosecutor. Now the lawyer for the
club also attacked the government's decision to file a civil lawsuit
to try and get an injunction in this case, and he said that was basically
really unfair because it meant that the clubs weren't entitled to trial
by jury, proven beyond a reasonable doubt so it made it easier for the
government to come in and stop the clubs from doing this.
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RAY SUAREZ: A lot of times that you've come in here the past couple
of years it's to talk about cases where states are arguing that they
should be able to apply their own laws in side their own boundaries
and not be trumped by federal law. I'm surprised that it got to all
these levels of technicality when there was a states' right argument
here.
JAN
CRAWFORD GREENBURG: I think the government's response to that - and
that came up somewhat in the questioning that Justice Ginsburg had with
the government areas attorney. The government's response was we are
not telling the states that it can't pass these laws. States can pass
the laws and states can say we are not going to prosecutor people but
the federal government is different and Congress has said that marijuana
is an illegal substance with no exceptions other than very narrow research
projects that are approved by the FDA. And that is a just a different
story and courts can't ignore the Congressional judgment, and if states
and people in the states have a problem with that, then they should
go to Congress and ask Congress to change the law.
RAY SUAREZ: Now quickly in the politics, for instance when Proposition
215 was on the ballot, sick people were a large part of the story. I
wonder if when this came to court whether in the same way, the fact
that many of the users are terminally ill entered into the argument.
JAN
CRAWFORD GREENBURG: You know, as I think the conversation has shown,
it was focused a lot on the narrow technical legal issues but I don't
think the emotional tone of the debate was pitted as you said, terminally
ill against law enforcement. I don't think that was lost on the Justices.
Justice Ginsburg, for instance, referred to a very vivid example after
man recounted in one of the briefs who could only ease his constant
vomiting by using marijuana asking the government's lawyer, isn't that
kind of a common experience? So I mean there was a recognition that
this drug many people believe does ease their suffering. But many of
the Justices seemed to so strongly suggest that the federal law still
must prevail.
RAY SUAREZ: Before I let you go, Justice Breyer had to recuse himself
because this was his brother's decision.
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: That's right.
RAY SUAREZ: What happens if is there a 4-4 tie?
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: The lower court ruling will stand but that
seemed unlikely on the arguments today that it will be that close. But
we'll see.
RAY SUAREZ: Jan Crawford Greenburg, thanks a lot.
JAN CRAWFORD GREENBURG: Thank you.
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