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| TAKING IT TO COURT | |
| July 13, 1999 |
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The Health Unit is a partnership with the Henry J. Kaiser Family Foundation. |
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MARGARET WARNER: A major point of contention in this Senate fight is over whether patients can sue their HMO's or health insurance companies. Under current law known as ERISA a patient may sue his health care plan only in federal court and only to recover the cost of the treatment that was unfairly denied. The Democrats' bill would let patients sue their managed care provider in state courts for compensatory and punitive damages if the plan's treatment decisions cause injury or death. The Republican bill would leave current law in place. For more we're joined by Chip Kahn, president of the Health Insurance Association of America, which represents the nation's leading health insurance companies, and Connie Barron, associate director of legislative affairs for the Texas Medical Association. A 1997 Texas law gives patients there the right to sue their health plans. Welcome to you both. Ms. Barron, why should patients be able to sue their health care plans? |
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| Should HMO's be liable? | ||||||||||||||||||||
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MARGARET WARNER: Chip Kahn, why shouldn't a health insurance company be liable for damages if a situation like that occurs?
MARGARET WARNER: Can this be settled some other way, without the right to sue? CONNIE BARRON: The right to sue is the enforcement mechanism. Chip presents it in a way as if it's an either/or situation. The question that one has to ask themself is you can put into place an appeals process, but if the plan doesn't abide -- and yes, good plans will -- but they're not all good plans, and if I don't abide by that appeals process, then what, so what? What's my incentive? CHIP KAHN: The irony here is that the doctors are the first to complain about the faults of our tort system. They've been for malpractice reform for years, and here we're saying, no, we should throw a whole new set of issues into the courts, and all I can say is that's not good for the consumer, and at the end of the day it will cost money. I should add that we're not just talking about health plans being liable here. The Kennedy bill also exposes employers, and that's going to increase costs, and that's going to scare employers away from providing coverage for their employees. MARGARET WARNER: All right. I want to get to the employer's point, but let me stay with you, Mr. Kahn, for a minute. Doctors, as you said, are liable now if they make a treatment decision and that decision is the wrong decision, or it leads to injury or death. Yet, if they're overridden by an insurance company, the insurance company can't be liable. Explain why that should be. CHIP KAHN: Well, the insurance company or the health plan is making a decision as to what is covered benefits. The doctor's responsible for the care, the doctor is responsible for the services. That's separate from what's covered by the health plan.
CHIP KAHN: Well, my argument is whenever there's a contentious point, it can get settled by appeals. The fact is that 97 percent of claims are paid, 3 percent of claims are thrown into some kinds of appeals, and a half of those are ultimately paid. So I think the issue here is a very narrow one, though the fear mongers seem to be wanting to press on HMO's and other kinds of health plans and it's unfortunate, because it's going to hurt the consumer over time. |
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| The employer's perspective | ||||||||||||||||||||
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CHIP KAHN: Well, if this is a self-insured plan and in some cases the employers actually do administer the plan -- in other cases, they may contract with an HMO or other kind of health plan to administer the plan, itself -- I can promise you when this gets to court, they're going to find a way to get back into the employers, particularly in self-insured situations, the employers, I think, under this bill are responsible. But that's the reason the employers are raising such Cain about this legislation, because they see it as placing them at risk. MARGARET WARNER: A lot of the big employer groups are opposed to this bill. Is that why? Do you think they have a reasonable fear of being exposed here? CONNIE BARRON: We do not agree that that's a reasonable fear. We think that if they're not -- if an employer is not making that specific treatment decision, that the language makes that clear, but the interesting thing is that employers have been asked repeatedly, bring us the language. Nobody wants to sue employers; nobody's trying to sue employers. We're looking at health plans that are making individual case specific treatment decisions. If employers are doing that, then we would hope they would exercise ordinary care in evaluating those cases as well. But we don't believe that's happening, and if the language isn't clear at this point to make that clear, bring us the language.
MARGARET WARNER: All right. Mr. Kahn, explain -- you've mentioned costs now -- the larger costs. What is your estimate of what this provision would cost? CHIP KAHN: Well, the Congressional Budget Office has costed it at about 1.4 percent increase in premiums -- MARGARET WARNER: Per year, is that right? CHIP KAHN: Per year. Other studies have shown up to 6 percent, but I think what -- MARGARET WARNER: Excuse me. Can I interrupt you for a second? Is that -- I thought that was all provisions of this bill. What about just this right to sue-- CHIP KAHN: The larger number was a Baron's study that looked at liability. The Congressional Budget Office has scored this, I believe, at 1.4 percent. But the important thing here is it's not just the cost, which is significant. It also is if you place employers at risk, it is going to scare many employers who are voluntarily providing health insurance away from providing that health insurance. I've heard many industrial leaders say that if this legislation is passed, they will drop their health insurance. This has tremendous implications for many Americans and is just an example of why this is bad policy.
CHIP KAHN: This has -- MARGARET WARNER: Let her finish. What has happened, though? I mean, how many lawsuits have been filed? CONNIE BARRON: We have at this point two lawsuits and possibly a third in over two years. And there were cases where the appeals process that had been in place was not followed by the plan. CHIP KAHN: This is apples and oranges. The law in Texas is not the same as the Kennedy bill. The Kennedy bill makes employers liable and also covers all aspects of insurance, not just treatment. In a sense, the Texas bill is simply a malpractice bill. This goes way beyond treatment, believe me. |
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| The size of insurance premiums | ||||||||||||||||||||
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MARGARET WARNER: Ms. Barron, certainly when people look at medical malpractice, and you see some of these huge judgments, and doctors have seen their insurance premiums go sky high, why wouldn't that happen also in the case of health insurance companies and HMO's?
CHIP KAHN: I'm sorry - MARGARET WARNER: Mr. Kahn, let me ask you, though, -- it's really the nub of it, which has to do with the quality of care. Will this -- could this improve the quality of care, though, eliminate situations where, in fact, treatment is unfairly denied? CHIP KAHN: Quite the contrary. I think this will place a chilling effect on managed care, on the ability of insurance companies and health plans to work with their providers regarding coverage and services, and this is the wrong way to go. This is only a piece of an entire bill of rights or so-called bill of rights, which is the wrong way to go. But clearly this is the worst aspect of the legislation. MARGARET WARNER: But, I'm sorry, when you said it would not improve the quality of care, why not?
MARGARET WARNER: All right. Well, thank you both very much. |
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