 |
|
Sept. 19, 2000:
The U.S. Senate establishes permanent
trade relations with China.
May 23, 2000:
The
China trade debate.
April 10, 2000:
An interview with the Chief Executive of Hong Kong, Tung
Chee Hwa
March 20, 2000:
Experts
from China and Taiwan discuss election results in Taiwan and
the role that mainland China has played.
Dec. 14, 1999:
Wen
Ho Lee charged with violating security at the Los Alamos Nuclear
Weapons Lab.
July 30, 1999:
A member of the Chinese Embassy discusses
the Falun Gong situation.
July 23, 1999: China begins crackdown
on Falun Gong.
July 23, 1999: Hong
Kong Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa on Taiwan and the one-country,
two-systems policy.
June 12, 1998: Anson Chan discusses Hong
Kong's relationship with China.
May 25, 1998: Martin Lee on Hong
Kong's pro-democracy movement.
Sept. 11, 1997:
Pro-democracy activist
Emily Lau criticizes
Hong Kong's government.
Sept. 10, 1997:
A conversation with Hong
Kong's chief executive.
July 25, 1997:
Hong
Kong's housing crisis tests its relationship with China.
July 3, 1997:
correspondents
in Hong Kong answer your questions about the handover and
the territory's future.
June 30, 1997:
A
panel discussion on the meaning of the Hong Kong handover.
May 17, 1996:
A discussion on U.S.
- China relations
March 26, 1996:
Taiwan holds its first
democratic elections.
Browse the NewsHour's coverage of Asia.
|
|
|
 |
|
|
|
ELIZABETH
FARNSWORTH: The images from June 1989 seem to stop time. The world watched
as China's army cleared out Tiananmen Square and the rest of Beijing,
where hundred of thousands of students and others had been demonstrating
for democratic reforms. An exact accounting of the dead hasn't been
available. The Chinese government says around 200 were killed but other
estimates are as high as several thousand. The decision to send in the
army was made in top-level Communist Party meetings in the park-like
compound known as Zhongnanhai, and in the final days before the crackdown
at meetings in party elder Deng Xiaoping's home.
A
new book, The Tiananmen Papers, features what purports to be
minutes of the meetings where the key decisions were made. Those minutes
plus other documents were made available to American China scholar Andrew
Nathan by someone identified only by a pseudonym, Zhang Liang. He writes
in the preference to the book: "As a witness to the events as well
as a participant, I feel it is my duty to the Chinese people and to
history to publish a complete and faithful record of the decisions that
lay behind what happened."
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: The documents from such a critical period are
remarkable, says the U.S. Ambassador to China at the time.
JAMES
LILLEY: I think we read it fairly accurately but we didn't have the
inside story and this tells you that.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: The student gatherings in Beijing began in April
1989 as a funeral tribute to a pro-reform Communist Party leader. As
the demonstrations grew in size and vehemence, party officials discussed
their options. A leading moderate was party secretary Zhao Ziyang, who
urged patience and restraint. In an April 18 telephone conversation,
according to the documents, he told China's president:
ZHAO
ZIYANG: (through interpreter) I've been on the phone with comrade Li
Ximing to ask that the city government keep a close watch on the students'
activities to ensure stability during the mourning period. On the whole,
I think we should affirm the students' patriotism.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: But others considered the situation more urgent.
In a top level meeting on May 10, Premier Li Peng, a leading hardliner,
said:
LI
PENG: (through interpreter) Students have stopped obeying campus rules
and are thumbing their noses at local regulations about marches and
demonstrations
How is this different from the Cultural Revolution?
If we let it go, this could pull our whole country into a morass of
chaos.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: By mid-May hundreds of students had begun a hunger
strike and the number of demonstrators in cities throughout China grew
to 100 million, according to the book. On May 15, Soviet President Gorbachev
arrived in Beijing for a meeting which also drew hundreds of foreign
journalists. By then, some party leaders' patience was wearing thin.
At a May 17 meeting at his home, Deng Xiaoping, the party's most influential
elder, spoke.
DENG
XIAOPING: (through interpreter) We want to build a socialist democracy,
but we can't possibly do it in a hurry, and still less do we want that
Western-style stuff
if things continue like this, we could even
end up under house arrest. After thinking long and hard about this,
I've concluded that we should bring in the People's Liberation Army
and declare martial law in Beijing.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: Zhao Ziyang, the leading moderate, dissented.
Later that night he said:
ZHAO
ZIYANG: (through interpreter) To impose martial law will not help calm
things down or solve problems. It will only make things more complicated
and more sharply confrontational
the Chinese people cannot take
any more huge policy blunders
My duties must end here today; I
cannot continue to serve.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: After the resignation, party leaders chose Zeng
Zemin, then Shanghai Party Secretary to become the new Communist Party
Secretary, though the appointment wasn't made public till after the
crackdown. He is now China's president.
Martial law was declared in Beijing on May 20. And while many students
returned home, a smaller number remained, erecting what they called
the Goddess of Democracy. On June 3, following clashes between demonstrators
and police, hardliner Li Peng, speaking to the Politburo standing committee,
advocated what he called clearing the square.
LI
PENG: (through interpreter) Late last night a counter-revolutionary
riot broke out in Beijing
we have to be absolutely firm in putting
down this counterrevolutionary riot in the capital. We must be merciless
with the tiny minority of riot elements.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: The ultimate leader, Deng Xiaoping, wasn't at
that meeting, but he passed this message along through someone who was.
DENG XIAOPING (as paraphrased by then-President Yang Shangkun): (through
interpreter) The Martial Law Command must make it quite clear to all
units that they are to open fire only as a last resort. And let me repeat:
No bloodshed within Tiananmen Square - period.
ELIZABETH FARNSWORTH: That night, the troops moved into the center
of Beijing. They did not fire in the square, but did shoot at people
on surrounding streets. And China lives with the consequences still.
|
|