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Colombia's Civil War
The Evolving U.S. Role
Key Events The U.S. War on Drugs

April 2001 A Peruvian military jet shoots down a missionary's plane mistaken for a drug trafficker's after an unmanned U.S. tracking aircraft provided information on the plane's location.

President George Bush calls the event a tragedy and suspends anti-drug surveillance flights over Andean nations, including Colombia.

 

October 2001 Secretary of State Colin Powell announces the designation of the AUC to the list of foreign terrorist organizations, of which the FARC and ELN already belonged.

 

February 2002 President Bush unveils his 2003 budget, which includes a substantial increase in foreign counter-narcotics funding.

 

March 18, 2002 Attorney General John Ashcroft charges the FARC with drug trafficking, saying it demonstrated "more clearly than ever the evil interdependence between the terrorists that threaten American lives" and narcotics trafficking.

 

March 21, 2002 The Bush administration requests Congress for supplemental funding for the "war against terror" in foreign countries, like Afghanistan and Colombia.

 

April 30, 2002 The U.S. indicts the FARC for the 1999 murders of three U.S. citizens in Colombia.

 

May 2002 The U.S. certifies the Colombian military for improving its human rights record, thereby clearing the way for the military to receive U.S. aid.

 

News For Students:
The War against Drugs

Anti-Narcotics Foreign PolicyExpanding The FrontDrugs & The War On Terror

2002 SUPPLEMENTAL ANTI-TERROR AID
Posted: December 2002  
The Bush administration has requested that Congress approve an emergency $27 billion spending bill for the international war on terrorism.

Some $35 million of that money is earmarked for Colombia under the Andean Counter-drug Initiative (ACI), to combat militant groups like the FARC and AUC, both of which fund themselves through drug trafficking.

The bulk of the aid package would be funneled to counter-narcotics programs similar to those in Plan Colombia. But unlike the plan, the ACI would direct a small portion of U.S. funds to operations Colombian Militaryunrelated to counter-narcotics missions, a shift away from traditional U.S. post-Cold War policy in Latin America.

Some $25 million would fund anti-terrorism and anti-kidnapping training and equipment for the Colombian police and military. Another $4 million would go to International Narcotics Control Law Enforcement funds to help train, organize, and equip the national police and establish a security presence in guerrilla strongholds, such as the FARC's former demilitarized zone.

Roughly $6 million would go toward protecting the Caño-Limón pipeline, a top source of revenue for Colombia and major target for guerillas.

Several critics in Congress, such as Rep. Jose Serrano (D-NY), question President Bush's decision to treat left-wing guerrilla groups as strictly terrorist and drug trafficking organizations, without considering Colombia's underlying social and economic problems.

Others, like Sen. Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.), oppose providing extra funding to Colombia because they don't want to deepen U.S. involvement in Colombia's 38-year civil war. Recounting the U.S. costly role in El Salvador's civil war in the 1980s, Sen. Leahy and other opponents caution against increasing U.S. aid for the Colombian military, which has a poor human rights record.

The House and Senate versions of the supplemental, which passed on May 24 and June 6 respectively, were reconciled in a conference committee on July 22. The new legislation provides the funding requested by the Bush administration.


THE 2003 ANDEAN REGIONAL INITIATIVE
The Andean Regional Initiative, part of President Bush's overall 2003 budget request, is a foreign counter-narcotics aid plan for Colombia and other states in the Andean region affected by the country's 38-year old civil war.

The initiative would expand on Plan Colombia's anti-narcotics strategy. Unlike that plan, however, the ARI would extend anti-drug assistance to neighboring nations dealing with spillover from Colombia's long-running conflict.

The plan would allocate $731 million for anti-narcotics programs in the Andean states -- Colombia, Bolivia, Venezuela, Panama, Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil. The new funding would come in addition to money the U.S. already gives those nations to battle drug trafficking.

About 60 percent of the ARI's budget would be used in counter-narcotics military assistance and training for federal military and police units in each country.

Under that part of the plan, some $439 million is earmarked for Colombia. The remaining money would be split among its neighbors -- $135 million for Peru; $91 million for Bolivia; $37 million for Ecuador; $12 million for Brazil; $8 million for Venezuela; and $9 million for Panama.

ARI designates the remaining 40 percent to non-military aid, including human rights efforts, social programs and alternative crop development initiatives in Colombia, Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia.Plan Colombia: The gringos provide the arms, Colombia provides the dead (trans.) (Brazil, Panama, and Venezuela would only receive money for counter-narcotics operations.)

The most controversial part of the ARI plan is a proposal to tack on an additional $98 million - separate from the legislation's $731 million price tag - to help the Colombian army protect the Caño-Limón oil pipeline. This money would fund and train a special Colombian military unit to protect the 484-mile long pipeline, which runs along the border with Venezuela from Colombia's second largest oil field and refinery to the Atlantic coast.

The ELN and FARC mounted nearly 170 attacks on the pipeline last year, causing Caño-Limón to shut down for 266 days and costing Colombia as much as $40 million per month in revenue, the U.S. State Department says.

Analysts, like those at the Center for International Policy, say the ARI signals a major shift away from conventional post-Cold War U.S. policy in Latin America, since it proposes supplying military aid unrelated to the war on drugs.

Many critics in Congress, like Sen. Russell Feingold (D-Wisc.), and the General Accounting Office question the effectiveness of current aerial fumigation efforts and the use of U.S. counter-narcotics funds.

Other members of Congress, like Sen. Paul Wellstone (D-Minn.), warn that expanding American involvement into counter-insurgency missions may entangle the U.S. further in Colombia's complicated civil strife.

The bill's advocates, however, stress that increased aid to Colombia would curtail the civil conflict and perhaps even prevent a larger regional crisis. Sen. Christopher Dodd (D-Conn.), a strong supporter of the ARI, argues, "If we turn our backs on this corner of the world, I fear that we may see another situation arise like that which we saw when we ignored Afghanistan."

After much debate, Congress passed the ARI.

-- By Liz Harper, Online NewsHour

OTHER SECTIONS:
Part One: Anti-Narcotics Foreign Policy
Part Two: Expanding the Front
Part Three: Drugs & The War on Terror

Colombia MainEnhanced FeaturesMapTimelineKey PlayersU.S. RoleDrug Trade

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