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April 17,1998:
Chile's struggle to renew itself.
Feb. 26,1997:
A look at Chile's
newfound democracy and economic growth
Browse the NewsHour's coverage of Latin
America.
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CHARLES KRAUSE: For well over a decade, Chile's free market economic
model has produced the equivalent of an economic miracle: 7 percent
growth rates, low inflation, low unemployment, and growing exports.
Wedged between the Andes and the Pacific Ocean, Chile is far from its
principal markets.
Yet, foreign investment is pouring in, while Chile's fruit, wine and
other high quality export products are being shipped, and sold, around
the world. New buildings, new cars and new shopping centers provide
ample evidence that, for the wealthy at least, Chile's new economic
system is a resounding success. There's also evidence of a new middle
class. Central planning and government-owned industries are out. Instead,
it's privatization that's brought prosperity, and, as a result, virtually
every developing country in the world, except North Korea and Cuba,
has adopted at least some variation of Chile's free market economic
model.
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Last month, the leaders of all 34 Western Hemisphere nations, except
Cuba, met in Santiago to pay tribute to the Chilean model and to reaffirm
their commitment to free trade and free markets throughout the hemisphere.
But as President Clinton reminded the assembled heads of government,
there's still one dark cloud on the horizon.
PRESIDENT CLINTON: Poverty throughout the hemisphere is still too high;
income disparity is too great; civil society too fragile; justice systems
too weak; too many people still lack the education and skills necessary
to succeed in the new economy. In short, too few feel change working
for them.
CHARLES KRAUSE: The president's message was clear: the U.S. supports
the free market system but fears it won't be sustainable over the long
term unless there's clear evidence that capitalism and free
markets reduce poverty. In Chile, there's no question that the rich
have gotten richer and are better off than ever before since the free
market system took effect. But for years, there was little evidence
that the new wealth was trickling down to the poor. That began to change
in 1990, when 17 years of military dictatorship came to end.
The new democratic government, now led by President Eduardo Frei,
began tweaking the free market model it inherited from the military.
The goal was to reduce poverty without reducing the incentives that
helped produce Chile's high 7 percent growth rate. Among other things,
the new government increased the minimum wage and raised pension payments.
Today, there are still terrible slums in Chile. But according to the
most reliable statistics, since 1990, the number of Chileans living
below the poverty line has been cut nearly in half. Guillermo Perry
is the World Bank's chief economist for Latin America.
GUILLERMO PERRY, World Bank: There is no doubt that there has been an
impressive improvement. 20 per cent of the population that was poor
has gotten out of the poverty level, so that's a very impressive achievement.
And, in general terms, real wages have been improving very substantially
in the last years.
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CHARLES KRAUSE: Those facts are now evident even in some of Chile's
poorest slums, places like La Victoria in Santiago. At first glance,
it's hard to imagine the situation here has improved. But, in fact,
La Victoria is far more prosperous today than it was just a few years
ago. Food is more affordable and more plentiful. There's electricity,
running water, and the dirt streets are now paved. Perhaps even more
important, an old classroom in the neighborhood school has been fitted
with new computers. They're a priority because education is viewed as
the key to eradicating poverty--here in La Victoria, elsewhere in Chile,
and increasingly throughout the hemisphere.
Maria Clara Aramburu is the school's principal. We asked her what changes
she's seen in La Victoria since she came to work here 34 years ago.
"Many changes," she told us. "The houses are much better. The children
have better clothes, and their health is better, too." La Victoria was
founded more than 40 years ago, in 1957, when several hundred homeless
families invaded what was then a rural estate and seized land to build
their homes.
Among those original settlers were Heriberto Lagos and his wife, Sonia.
Today, they're still in La Victoria--having raised five children here,
two of them still at home. The others visit often; bringing their children
to play on the concrete floor of the house the Lagos' rebuilt just five
years ago. Late at night or early in the morning, Heriberto Lagos leaves
his family to work a ten-hour shift in a steel mill, where he earns
about $3 an hour. It's hard work and each week, the shifts change. One
week, Heriberto works all day--the next week, all night.
Still, he says he's lucky to have his job because to remain competitive,
the owners of the steel mill have invested heavily in new machinery--laying
off half their work force over the past few years. For the workers who
remain, however, real wages have increased along with their productivity.
As a result, Heriberto takes home about $170 a week with overtime--a
good wage in Chile and enough to begin to lift the Lagos family out
of poverty. Back in La Victoria, the family now has own computer, a
telephone, and three television sets. A meal in a restaurant is still
out of the question, as is a night at the movies. But the family was
able to take a vacation this year to the South of Chile.
SONIA LAGOS: (speaking through interpreter) We took the two unmarried
kids, just the four of us. It was wonderful. We truly deserved it; it
had been so long since we'd gone anywhere.
HERIBERTO LAGOS: (speaking through interpreter)You see, I would always
tell my kids about how lucky I was, many years ago, when I was still
single, to travel around quite a bit.
I would often tell my kids about how beautiful it was, but I'd never
been able to show them myself. This time I was able to do that. And
I took them in my own car, too. Our dream now is to see our children
get a degree and become professionals. The whole point is for them to
have a better life than we did, and that they, in turn, be able to give
their own children a better life-a life without the deprivation all
of us have known.
CHARLES KRAUSE: A generation ago, it would have been unthinkable for
a child from La Victoria to aspire to study much beyond grade school.
But for the Lagos family, and many others in La Victoria, the dream
of an education for their children is now coming true.
Patricio Lagos, 14, is in high school, while his older brother, David,
19, attends a private university. He's studying to become an industrial
engineer. Every month, fully one third of the family's income goes to
pay for David's tuition. It's an enormous financial sacrifice--one which
Heriberto and Sonia are willing to make-but which they say believe demonstrates
that Chile's new economic system is unfair.
HERIBERTO LAGOS: (speaking through interpreter) I think there are many
benefits, and much has been accomplished. But the most serious problem
is that too few rake in too much of the national income. Too few have
too much, and too many have too little. We have to start reducing inequality,
and when that's done, then we might say that the pie-that's a saying
we have here--is being split fairly.
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CHARLES KRAUSE: Heriberto Lagos is by no means alone. Many of La Victoria's
walls are covered with murals attacking the perceived inequities of
Chile's free market system. The left calls it "injusticia"--injustice.
Economists and politicians call it the "equity debate." Here in La Victoria-and
throughout Latin America-the left remains strong, so the debate over
equity has an important corollary: Will the free market model be sustainable
politically if it appears to favor the rich, to be exploitative and
unfair? So far, in La Victoria, there's been enough economic progress
so that resentment toward the new system has not yet translated into
protests or political demonstrations. That's significant because La
Victoria has long been a stronghold of Chile's Socialist and Communist
parties. Today there's a monument to those from La Victoria who were
either executed, or who simply disappeared, after Chile's 1973 military
coup. That coup was led by Gen. Augusto Pinochet, a fervent anti-Communist
who introduced the new free market system. He also wiped out a generation
of Chilean leftists, including those from La Victoria and others, including
Orlando Letelier.
A socialist and former Chilean foreign minister, in 1976, Letelier was
assassinated when his car was blown up in Washington. Today, his son,
Juan Pablo Letelier, is a socialist member of Chile's Chamber of Deputies.
His district includes many poor people like those in La Victoria. A
critic of the current economic model, Letelier says that many of the
tax and labor laws inherited from the military are so pro-business that
they're undermining support for the free market system among the working
class and the poor.
JUAN PABLO LETELIER: As long as there's one person who doesn't have
a stake in the growth, there's something that's wrong. That has to do
with values and principles, not with economic numbers. The model in
Chile, or better yet the economy, grows because the Chilean people are
a very special type of people, a working people, with great effort,
but they have the right to participate in the fruits that they produce.
Or otherwise we end up with great frustrations which accumulate and
which I think ethically are not acceptable.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Jose Pinera was one of the economists who helped Pinochet
design and implement the current system. Today, he says the fairness
issue is nothing more than a political tactic invented by the left.
JOSE PINERA: You must accept in a free society that someone with exceptional
talents like Bill Gates or Michael Bell can have more income and can
get rich, as long as you also know that the working people are going
up. And that's happening also in Chile. Of course, those very talented
entrepreneurs that are finding new opportunities in the export sector,
are creating a new software, have discovered a new way to produce at
a given factor, of course their income goes up. That is life. But the
important thing, again, is that their income doesn't go up because a
minister gives them a privilege or because of corruption and they get
demanding to the public treasury. But they are getting rich because
they are creating wealth for everyone. Chile is a very stable political
society. So of course there may always be some people somewhere saying
that this will be, it will create a problem. That has not been the case.
Look at Chile. Where is the instability?
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CHARLES KRAUSE: But Letelier says that in a democracy, labor laws that
limit the rights of unions and tax laws that favor the rich are going
to create real problems.
JUAN PABLO LETELIER: I would tell people like Pinera that the time
will come that changes will take place. And if one wants to have a future
of stability, it's better to come up quicker with the changes than to
postpone them.
CHARLES KRAUSE: Letelier's view that if the free market system is to
continue, the gap between rich and poor must be narrowed is generally
shared by most development economists and by most elected politicians
throughout the hemisphere. Jose Antonio O'Campo is executive secretary
of the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean
headquartered in Santiago.
JOSE ANTONIO O'CAMPO: We are a very inequitable society. And, second,
the forces which lie behind a wrong distribution of income a wrong distribution
of assets in society have, if anything, increased or become stronger
in recent decades. If those forces, which are tending to generate a
bad distribution of income in society, are not addressed, we'll be back
into significant social conflicts, which were an unfortunate fissure
of this society's not long ago.
CHARLES KRAUSE: So far, Chile has avoided a return to conflict because
even though the rich are doing extraordinarily well, there's also evidence
of economic and social mobility.
Formerly working class areas like La Florida are now booming. Vast new
subdivisions house a new generation of secretaries, computer technicians,
and middle managers. There are also new shopping centers and new supermarkets.
And it's this new middle class that many economists and politicians
believe holds the key to the future of the free market system, not only
here in Chile but throughout the developing world. It's thought that
if there's enough social and economic mobility for at least some of
the poor to become middle class, then there's less danger of a political
backlash, and it's more likely that support for the free market system
will continue.
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