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| LEFTIST LANDSLIDE | |
October 28, 2002 |
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In the wake of leftist Lula da Silva's presidential victory in Brazil, experts discuss the implications for Latin American politics and the Brazilian people. |
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GWEN IFILL: Now, big political change in Brazil. Spencer Michels begins. SPENCER MICHELS: They were dancing on Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro last night, and in Sao Paulo and across Brazil as well. The revelers were celebrating the landslide presidential victory of Luiz Ignacio da Silva, popularly know as "Lula." His workers' party was right at home on the beach. WOMAN: It's a hope that we have. We have defeated the fear and the hope has won. WOMAN: I will dance until the morning. SPENCER MICHELS: Da Silva, a former union leader, will become Brazil's first working-class president when he takes office January 1.
SPENCER MICHELS: Da Silva was born to a poor family in Brazil's northeast. The former shoe-shine boy and factory worker with a grade school education rose to become a union firebrand, creating his worker's party in 1979. After four unsuccessful runs for president, da Silva landed more than 60 percent of the vote yesterday, defeating rival Jose Serra of the ruling Brazilian Social Democratic Party in the second-round presidential election. He received more votes than any democratic leader in history, except for Ronald Reagan. As Brazil's next president, da Silva is faced with pulling the world's ninth largest economy, and Latin America's largest, out of a recession. During his campaign, da Silva promised to create more jobs for Brazil's nearly 175 million people. 50 million of them live in poverty. Brazil's currency, the real, has lost some 40 percent of its value this year. MAN ON STREET (translated): It's driving us all crazy, I'm terrified, the currency just keeps going down, down. SPENCER MICHELS: And the country is saddled with more than $230 billion of foreign debt. Da Silva has often been critical of Brazil's current free-market policies, privatizing various industries. He objected to conditions attached to loans from the International Monetary Fund. The IMF provided the country with a $30 billion loan in August, a loan all presidential candidates agreed must be paid back. Da Silva has also expressed opposition to a free trade agreement for the entire western hemisphere pushed by the U.S. The pact calls for a free trade zone across the western hemisphere by 2005. Da Silva's anti-globalization stance during the campaign rattled Brazil's stock market and sparked fears of a Brazilian default on its loan. In his first speech as president-elect, da Silva vowed to continue the current government's policy of trying to lower inflation rates.
SPENCER MICHELS: Da Silva is expected to assemble an economic team this week. |
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| The new president-elect | ||||||||||||||||||||
| GWEN IFILL: Margaret Warner
takes it from there.
MARGARET WARNER: For more, we turn to Paulo Sotero, Washington correspondent for the Brazilian newspaper o Estado de Sao Paulo. Kristin Forbes, a former deputy assistant treasury secretary in the Bush administration and now a professor at the Sloan School at M.I.T., and Tony Avirgan, international policy coordinator at the Economic Policy Institute in Washington. Welcome to you all. Why, Paulo Sotero, did Lula de Silva win this so handily?
There is a great desire for change to give the representatives of the people an opportunity to run the country. The irony and the challenge of this is that he represents change. But he does not necessarily represent repudiation of the many things, many progresses that have been achieved in the last 10, 15 years in terms of democratization and economic reform in Brazil. MARGARET WARNER: Mr. Avirgan, many observers at least in the North here have looked on his growing popularity as representing the Brazilian public's repudiation of a lot of these reforms, the free market policies and so on of both the IMF and his predecessor, is that correct? Should we read them that way? TONY AVIRGAN, Economic Policy Institute: Definitely it's correct. The unemployment in Brazil is enormous; there's 20 percent in Sao Paulo and 50 percent in the forest area of the country, the northeast. It has about the worst, the second worst now economic distribution in the country, where the top 10 percent of the population takes about 60 percent of the gross domestic product. And it's just a terrible situation. And I think people are showing that they're upset with it, they want change.
TONY AVIRGAN: They certainly didn't deliver; they certainly didn't deliver. The situation has gotten worse. Unemployment has risen. And people need jobs, they need to work in order to make a living and to improve the country. |
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| The economic implications | ||||||||||||||||||||
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MARGARET WARNER: Kristin Forbes, tell us how the international financial markets are responding to this, and also explain why it is important how Wall Street sees him.
MARGARET WARNER: But when you say the markets and the markets are giving him a honeymoon, what does that really mean, explain to someone who doesn't understand why the international markets are so important to Brazil. KRISTIN FORBES: The markets are so important to Brazil mainly because of Brazil's public debt structure. Brazil has a tremendous amount of public debt outstanding, about $260 billion. And much of that debt is linked to interest rates, about 40 percent of the debt is linked to interest rates in Brazil. And therefore the cost of servicing that part of the debt fluctuates with interest rates in Brazil, and then about another third of the debt is linked to the value of Brazil's currency. Therefore, every time investors begin to worry about Brazil and sell the currency or sell investments in Brazil, interest rates go up and the currency, the real, depreciated; both which increase the value of the debt and make it much harder for Brazil to just continue day-to-day service of its debt. MARGARET WARNER: So Mr. Sotero, what are the promises he made in this campaign that he really has to deliver on or risk alienating the people who voted for him?
Today in his speech in Sao Paulo, he said that you should not expect miracles, and he reaffirmed the basic tenants of the policy he ran against. Basically one, inflation low, fiscal responsibility -- which is something by the way that his party, the workers party, has done very well in the states and in the 190 cities that the workers party manage in Brazil -- and also honoring contracts, with the IMF, with the international banks and also internal contracts. In addition to that, Lula has said that he is going to pursue some reforms, structural reforms of the economy, fiscal reform, Social Security reform, labor laws reform that are absolutely fundamental for stability, progress and economic growth in Brazil. MARGARET WARNER: All right, Mr. Avrigan, if we just take the really big promises, they all sound like they involve spending money. Can he deliver on those promises without violating the requirements of this -- for instance, this IMF loan that he agreed to abide by in the summer?
And there's ways, Brazil is a potentially very rich country, it has a terrible tax collection system. There could be reforms of the tax system to actually bring in revenues, even if they adopted the U.S. tax system, which is criticized by leftists, even if they adopted something like that, it would provide an enormous amount of money for things like education and nutrition and worker training, and that's possible, Brazil is rich enough. MARGARET WARNER: Ms. Forbes, what's your view of that of whether he can deliver without spending the kind of money that he's promised not to spend now?
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| Brazil's economy and the United States | ||||||||||||||||||||
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MARGARET WARNER: Mr. Sotero, another thing he really laid out, a position very different from the U.S., which is on this idea of a free trade for the Americas, and he essentially said that could amount to annexation by the United States, critical of the fact that the big industrialized countries seem to want countries like Brazil to open their markets, but don't open their markets in return. What do you think, what position do you think he's going to take on that? PAUL SOTERO: Well, again, he announced today that Brazil will be at the table, Brazil is going to negotiate -- is going to negotiate very, very hard, as the current government would. The fact is that if the United States and the industrialized countries do not open up its markets to Brazil, in areas that we are competitive, there is not going to be an FTA. And that is not with Lula, with any government from the right for left, and Brazil would be the same.
MARGARET WARNER: All right. Mr. Avirgan and Ms. Forbes, briefly before we go, what's at stake for the United States in his ability to deliver here in his success? TONY AVIRGAN: Well, I think if the United States took an enlightened position and realized that as long as there's such economic disparity in Latin American countries there's going to be instability in the region, if they took that position, then the United States has a lot to gain by what might happen in Brazil over the next few years but unfortunately I don't think that too many people in this government take that position. MARGARET WARNER: Ms. Forbes, explain the stake the U.S. has in all this.
MARGARET WARNER: All right. Ms. Forbes, gentlemen, thank you all. |
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