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REGION: North America
TOPIC: Politics
Online NewsHour
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Originally Aired: January 9, 2008
Analysis

N.H. Surprises Have Pundits Scratching Their Heads

Democratic Sen. Hillary Clinton's upset in New Hampshire surprised pundits and pollsters who had predicted a win for Sen. Barack Obama in the Granite State contest. A panel of political reporters and analysts assess the poll quandary and its impact on future elections.
David Brooks and Mark Shields
 
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JIM LEHRER: All right, now let's return to New Hampshire here before we end this political discussion. And I want to bring back into the mix Gwen, Judy, Amy and Stuart for some additional thoughts about why the pre-election New Hampshire polls and prognostications turned out to be so wrong.

Gwen, starting with you, do you have a "wrong" theory to share with us?

GWEN IFILL: I have a "reported wrong" theory.

JIM LEHRER: OK, all right.

GWEN IFILL: There's five pieces to the wrong theory, OK?

There's one, and it's from the Obama point of view, I'll tell you, because that's -- I was told this by an adviser to that campaign today. One is they think that there was an Edwards drain, that is that people went and voted for John Edwards.

Now, the polls show that actually -- that the polls were correct when it said how many voters that he would get, Obama would get with the increased turnout, but, you know, they still say other people went away.

McCain drain. A lot of independents who they would have expected to vote for Barack Obama, who did in Iowa, instead voted -- inexplicably, as Stuart was pointing is out -- even though they may not agree with a lot of the same things that John McCain stands for, they went to vote for him because he seemed independent.

The women drain. There was a lot of discussion -- and this was an Edwards factor, too -- that in Edwards siding with Barack Obama at that debate and taking a little shot at Senator Clinton, that women said, "Hey, don't pile up."

And then, of course, there was -- as I keep calling it -- the weepy moment, so that there was women sympathy drain.

Then, campaign advisers really believe that their lead was depressed because of all these polling numbers showing that there were double-digit leads and that a lot of people who would have otherwise supported Obama said, "Oh, he doesn't really need me. He's fine. Let me look at somebody else." Because basically most Democrats like all the candidates.

And the fifth is that college students in Durham, the University of New Hampshire, and in Hanover and Dartmouth College didn't turn out in the numbers they had hoped for. And they had come to depend very heavily on college students in that youth vote.

Gwen Ifill
Gwen Ifill
NewsHour with Jim Lehrer
[I]n defense of those poor reporters on the ground, is that there were no fewer than nine polls that showed [Barack Obama] with these kinds of leads.

Reporters relied on polling


JIM LEHRER: Yes.

Well, Judy, to follow up on that, was it your feeling that the polls drove the reporting or the reporting drove the polls? What's the relationship between -- because it wasn't just the polls. There was an awful lot of reporting going on that was kind of upbeat, and wavy, and all that sort of stuff.

JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, Jim, I have a terrible confession to make, and that is that reporters look at the polls.

JIM LEHRER: Oh, Judy, say it isn't so!

JUDY WOODRUFF: In fact, I would go so far as to say that polling, for better or worse, shapes much, if not most, of the news coverage in this country.

Reporters are every day looking at the polls, judging, frankly, in an era of increasingly limited resources for newsgathering, deciding where to put those resources.

And when you have six, seven, eight candidates in each party, you can't spend as much -- you're not going to spend as much time, energy and manpower, or womanpower, on the candidate who's polling at 2 percent as you are at the candidate that's polling at 30 percent or 40 percent.

So that is clearly part of what's going on here.

JIM LEHRER: But there were an awful lot of -- you all -- awful lot of reporters on the ground in New Hampshire. And the question, of course, is that the public asks, "Well, wait a minute. How could you all have been over there talking to all the voters and talking to everybody, and gotten it wrong, as well, anecdotally, in terms of reporting?"

Is there an answer to that question, Judy?

JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, there's not a clear answer, Jim. We were hearing on the ground -- I was actually focused more on the Republicans, so I have an out here, you could say -- but anecdotally...

JIM LEHRER: Oh, no, you don't.

JUDY WOODRUFF: Based on what I was hearing from people, I was hearing a lot of Obama. I would go around at McCain rallies and Romney events, but especially at McCain and Huckabee rallies, and I would hear people say, "Well, I'm looking at either Huckabee or Obama," or, "I'm looking at McCain, Edwards and Obama."

So I was picking that up. And I certainly didn't sense that it was going to happen at the last minute.

I will just quickly add this, Jim, that I do think there's something to be said for those who point out the polling ended basically on Sunday. The voting happened on Tuesday, and there was movement clearly in the last 24 to 48 hours.

JIM LEHRER: Yes.

Gwen, what is your contribution to that, the connection between the reporting and the polls?

GWEN IFILL: I was actually going to contribute to what Judy just said. But the connection -- one of the interesting things that happens -- you're right. There were hundreds, maybe thousands of reporters in New Hampshire on the ground from, you know, Norway and Japan, not just forming conventional wisdom among ourselves.

And what could happen in that kind of situation is that three people would get in the corner of a room and form conventional wisdom.

But the difference, however, I would say, in defense of those poor reporters on the ground, is that there were no fewer than nine polls that showed him with these kinds of leads.

It wasn't like someone decided that Barack Obama, absent any other evidence, was going to lead, that the Obama people had him up by 8 points in their internal polling. The Clinton people had him up in double digits.

It wasn't like someone said, "Oh, wait a second, you might be wrong. You should be careful. Things are turning," which sometimes happens. That did not happen this time.

So I think people were ill-equipped to see what would happen in the last-minute vote.

Stuart Rothenberg
Stuart Rothenberg
Rothenberg Political Report
[I]n any given year, I look at hundreds or thousands of polls. And I believe that too many journalists, too many cable TV talking heads and anchors don't discriminate between the good polls and the not-so-good polls.

Polls stopped two days out


JIM LEHRER: All right. Stuart and Amy, pick up on this, because you all do both, but your emphasis is on reading the numbers, and looking at polls, and all of that. How do you see the connection this time between the polls and what the polls were showing, and what the reporting was showing?

Amy, you go first.

AMY WALTER, The National Journal: OK, well, let's talk about a couple of things. The first is that, you know, for all the talk about how things were wrong on the Democratic side, the Republican polling was right on target.

I mean, there was clearly -- and it goes to Judy's point -- which is something happened on Monday that clearly changed the contours of this race. That a poll can't pick up on, because nobody was out there doing that. So I think that's a very important factor.

The other issue, too, is -- and this is why people love to follow politics, because it does change, and it can change overnight.

But the reality was there was something happening and moving that people were not -- and Gwen made this point -- people weren't just making this up or pretending that it was happening.

What happened in the polls -- and you could see this -- we can always guess as to why it happened. But here's what Hillary Clinton was able to do that the polls did not pick up on, whether it was the number of women who turned out, certainly bigger than anybody would expect, I mean, almost 60 percent of the electorate, women. That's not a typical number.

The other is that, for as much as we talked about the role of independents, I don't think that independents decided that they're going to go for McCain because suddenly Obama didn't need them anymore. What you found was that independents actually turned out at a higher percentage than the polls had predicted, but she did better among those independents.

That was, I think, the untold story.

JIM LEHRER: But, Stuart, don't you find it extraordinary that nine polls would all be wrong?

STUART ROTHENBERG: Yes, I do find that extraordinary. In fact, I find it impossible to believe.

Jim, look, in any given year, I look at hundreds or thousands of polls. And I believe that too many journalists, too many cable TV talking heads and anchors don't discriminate between the good polls and the not-so-good polls.

I never go on the basis of one survey. I think an individual survey comes out -- we've seen it over the past few months -- they've been overanalyzed. I think a lot of surveys done in the first half of the year, people weren't really paying attention. These were not strong judgments.

But the surveys that we got over the past week -- you know, one poll can be wrong, two polls, not eight or nine when they're showing the same thing, the same direction, and the same general magnitude.

I think it's just -- the evidence is clear that something happened between the end of the polling. Something happened Sunday, Monday that changed some people's view of this race. I believe it's women.

I believe they started to empathize and identify more with Senator Clinton, and she was humanized, and that changed some of the votes.

JIM LEHRER: Well, Stu, you say you've read -- you have looked at hundreds of polls, thousands of polls. Are you going to look at them any differently because of what happened in New Hampshire? Is this a big deal in the polling world, in other words?

STUART ROTHENBERG: Not for me. There were some polls that I think have a great track record and others don't. There are some pollsters who have done polling in particular states, who ask good questions, and other polls, I think, frankly, are not as good.

I never overreact to a single survey. I think it would be wonderful if reporters from now on would stop doing that.

But on the basis of what happened at the end of the game here, no, this was simply a question of there weren't polls when people were changing their minds. And that's because you can't do polls on election day and then report them the next day. They don't matter, because you actually have the election results.

David Brooks
David Brooks
The New York Times
We talked to the campaigns. It was unanimous. It wasn't a close call. So why were we wrong?

Split among last minute voters


JIM LEHRER: OK.

All right, finally, back to you, David, and you, Mark. I asked both of you in our 6 o'clock NewsHour last night what your expectations were. And each of you answered. And, you know, and what did you base that on?

When you look back on it, now, David, do you find there was some flawed information that you had or some -- what? Tell us.

DAVID BROOKS: Yes, as I recall, I predicted Clinton by three. No, I could be wrong. I'm just rewriting history.

No, I think, a, it was the polls; but, b, we walked around. We saw the lines. We talked to the campaigns. It was unanimous. It wasn't a close call. So why were we wrong?

I mean, we've heard a lot of the theories that are out there, but it seems to me there were two basic organizations of the theory. The one is, was it a late swing, which is very plausible? But the problem with that is...

JIM LEHRER: It wasn't that it wasn't picked up either by the reporting or the polls?

DAVID BROOKS: Well, because they weren't asking. But the problem with that is that when you ask late-deciders who did you go for, Hillary had no advantage among those people. So that at least complicates the theory.

JIM LEHRER: What do you mean they had no advantage?

DAVID BROOKS: Well, they asked, "Did you decide in the last day? Did you decide in the last three days?" And the people who said they decided in the last few days, it was pretty split between Obama and Clinton.

Mark Shields
Mark Shields
Syndicated Columnist
When you get nine polls, all agreeing, and in many cases good, able, professional polls, it's not methodology.

Clinton gained women's sympathy


JIM LEHRER: Mark, you're on.

MARK SHIELDS: When you get nine polls, all agreeing, and in many cases good, able, professional polls, it's not methodology. I talked to the dean of American pollsters today, Peter D. Hart, and Peter D. Hart compared what had happened in New Hampshire to the Truman-Dewey race in 1948, where Harry Truman won an upset victory over heavily favored Tom Dewey, when polling stopped in the first week of October of that race.

He said you had a five-day race in New Hampshire, and they stopped polling three-fifths of the way through.

I think, personally, that the event of Hillary Clinton in the diner, which not only showed a vulnerable, personal side, but had her expressing why she was running, which was beyond her own personal ambition, was about you, it was about what moved her, the fact that that was shown 10,000 times on cable television going into New Hampshire, it became the wallpaper of the campaign decision going in.

All it took, Jim, was 10,000 women to see that and to move, that they'd lost a job, a promotion because they were a woman, or their sister had not had an advantage, or been taunted, or tweaked, or whatever, mistreated because of her gender, at some point, some slight, and I think that really humanized her and, at the same time, made women supportive and vulnerable to her campaign.

JIM LEHRER: OK.

Thank you, Gwen, and to Judy, and to Amy, and to Stu, and to David, and to Mark.

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