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MR. MacNEIL: Our political analysts, Gergen & Shields,
are with us again tonight. David Gergen is editor at large of U.S. News & World Report. Syndicated columnist Mark Shields is in Portland,
Oregon.
David, how do you feel about the reaction of our voters? I'd just like
to remind you and our viewers at home that those voters reacted immediately
after the debate. They hadn't heard any spin or any commentary or read
any newspapers.
MR. GERGEN: Well, maybe it's time that Shields and I look for new work.
Those voters are really good. They really -- they had a lot of insights
into that. I was impressed with the quality of their comments and how
closely they listened. The other thing that impressed me, Robin, was how
few people changed their minds. Clearly, the Bush supporters felt energized
by the debate. This - - unlike the first debate, when the president was
more passive, the aggressive stance by Dan Quayle helped to rally the
Republican troops. And I think that has given the Republicans more hope
now as they approach the next debate. On the other hand, the Clinton people
haven't moved. They've stuck with Clinton. And there's some softness on
the edges. People are not quite certain, so I think once again we have
a debate which has helped to reinforce views, hasn't clarified for a lot
of people. I must say there were some people in that group tonight from
last night who were embarrassed by what they saw last night. And I happen
to share that view. I think that as much as -- occasionally there were
issues discussed. Frequently the throwing of mud and so forth sort of
splattered around, but it made you wonder whether this was a civilized
-- a democracy, as we sometimes like to think we are.
MR. MacNEIL: Mark, what did you feel about our -- our viewers', our voters'
reactions?
MR. SHIELDS: Thoughtful, insightful, disappointed, and just encouraging.
I mean, encouraging in the sense that it's a reminder to all of us who
cover politics, who try and understand it, and occasionally pontificate
about it, that voters are not fools. Voters are thoughtful, they care.
They may not -- the decision they make eventually or ultimately may not
be one that we agree with, but it's one that's made after, after reflection,
after considerable insight. And I was quite impressed by that. I thought
there was a tone of embarrassment and disappointment. They were disappointed
in what they saw last night.
MR. MacNEIL: The Associated Press quoted a Republican pollster today,
Mark, Neil Newhouse, saying this, "If Dan Quayle didn't light a fire
under George Bush, there's nobody or nothing that can." What do you
think of the effect of this on George Bush and looking to tomorrow night?
MR. SHIELDS: Well, I think that one has to put the vice presidential
debates in perspective. They are the preliminary bout before the semi-main
event tomorrow night in Richmond. And there's no question, David is right.
Dan Quayle raised the Republicans to their peak adrenalin moment of this
campaign. He energized and he - - instead of being the enthusiastic advocate
and champion of George Bush, because George Bush had failed to make the
case against Bill Clinton on Sunday night, it fell to Dan Quayle to do
it, and he - - he made the case, or he sought to make the case on the
basis of Bill Clinton's character, and he certainly, his words were welcome
to a dispirited Republican Party.
MR. MacNEIL: How do you think about -- what do you think, David, about
this business of lighting the fire under George Bush? I mean, is there
a fire to be lit, and the President come on tomorrow night in anything
like that tone and still seem -- what do you think?
MR. GERGEN: Well, Robin, you know, one of the questions that a lot of
Republicans have been asking themselves over the course of the year is
how much did George Bush really want to win this election? There's been
this very peculiar tone to this campaign from the beginning. He didn't
want to jump in. He didn't want to be too aggressive. Then he got into
it. It really was very, very aggressive, and then in that debate, of course,
coming back he was more presidential. So people are not quite sure what
to predict. There are a lot of Republicans in the White House who were
saying today that Dan Quayle set the tone for the debate Thursday night,
that this is -- we now see how we have to go, it's going to get really
rough out there, but I must tell you that I think what's going to change
in that circumstance is that I think if the president does pursue that
line of attack, as we all are led to believe, then I think Bill Clinton's
going to counterpunch a lot more than we saw last night from the Democrat
side. Al Gore was more presidential last night. He was -- he was a little
aloof in some of the fighting. There's some Democrats who were disappointed
he -- he didn't slug back occasionally. I don't think there's any doubt
that Bill Clinton will slug back.
MR. MacNEIL: The Clinton campaign's saying that was all deliberate. At
least they're saying today that Gore's restraint was deliberate, that
-- and that Quayle saying that Gore never defending Clinton doesn't matter,
they wanted him to look dignified and presidential.
MR. GERGEN: Well, I can understand that, but I do not think that Bill
Clinton will let many jabs go -- pass by. We saw in the first debate as
soon as, you know, the president went after him on the question of Vietnam
and Moscow and that sort of thing, he came right back with that Prescott
Bush, with the most effective line of the night from Bill Clinton. I would
expect he's got four or five zingers waiting.
MR. MacNEIL: Mark, how aggressive can the president be? We know the polls
haven't changed much for him. Time is running out. How aggressive can
he actually be and not hurt himself by being it -- and yet help himself
by being it?
MR. SHIELDS: I don't think he can worry about the down side. I think
that Dan Quayle really made the case last night for whatever evidence
George Bush is going to introduce tomorrow night. I mean, Eddie Williams
on our post-debate show last night compared it to a volleyball game and
getting the ball up to the net for a spike by George Bush if, in fact,
it's to come. I -- I would say -- a couple of Democrats have said to me
today they thought that perhaps Quayle was making the case that Bush was
going to present some evidence tomorrow of indiscretions of a civic or
of a public nature by -- by Bill Clinton earlier, and he was going to
actually confront him. I think short of that, the Quayle performance last
night will have been in vain. I think George Bush has to make the case
against Bill Clinton tomorrow night. If he fails to do it, I think Ann
Richards, the governor of Texas, may not have spoken prematurely when
she said of George Bush after Sunday night, he's done, stick a fork in
him.
MR. MacNEIL: Let's -- let's not leave Quayle for a moment. William Crystal,
his chief aide, said today about Quayle, "Personally this was a vindication,
and I feel good for him for that, win or lose." I mean, what about
just what Dan Quayle did for himself, and within the Republican Party,
and for the future, Mark?
MR. SHIELDS: Oh, I think he helped himself within the Republican Party.
I think the expectations -- I mean, the office of vice president is an
office that has been in the purview of every citizen to ridicule always
and Dan Quayle kind of raised that to a different level by his performance
in 1988, and I thought that he did a long way toward redeeming himself
last night. I don't want to confuse him at this point with, you know,
great American leaders. He's no Henry Clay or Daniel Webster, but I think
--
MR. MacNEIL: And you knew Henry Clay and Daniel Webster.
MR. SHIELDS: I knew -- Henry Clay was not a friend of mine. He was a
friend of David's.
MR. GERGEN: No, Ronald Reagan knew Henry Clay.
MR. SHIELDS: He didn't -- he didn't -- he did a lot better than his public
reputation, and I think that those of us who have covered him knew --
were confident he would do that. I think he helped himself within the
Republican Party.
MR. GERGEN: I tell you this, Robin. Not only did he set up the spike,
but I think that many people had assumed prior to last night that if George
Bush lost, Dan Quayle was finished in American politics, he had no future
in the Republican Party.
MR. MacNEIL: That's what I was wondering.
MR. GERGEN: And I really feel he's now put himself -- he made it clear
last night he will be a force to reckon with. Conservatives will rally
behind now. They will look at that and say that's the kind of fellow we
need, somebody who's willing to fight.
MR. MacNEIL: Finally, one James Baker. The president in the debate Sunday
night announced -- announced -- he let it come out that Baker was going
to return to the White House if he's re-elected and run domestic affairs.
Baker and others then put it out that he was going to make a big speech
this week explaining it all. Today it said, well, it'll be next week,
and then Fitzwater said, the White House spokesman, "if there's going
to be a speech." What is going on there?
MR. GERGEN: I -- I'm confused by that, as you are. It seems to me they've
had this story so jumbled up they haven't gotten this out properly, don't
know quite what they're doing. It was always peculiar that Baker was going
to come on and make this speech tomorrow, setting himself up as domestic
czar. Let the president try to explain -- the whole thing -- I don't think
they know what they're doing, frankly. I think they're very confused,
and I think they're sending out confusing signals. And they ought to just
quiet it down, but I think they made a mistake saying they're going to
fire their economic team if he's re-elected. The reason I think that's
a mistake is it gives Clinton an opening to say, well, you, yourself,
are going to fire your economic team, that's what you think of how well
you've run the economy in the last four years, don't fire the team, fire
the coach. I mean, you know -- so I -- I think that they've been very
confused and this has not been their finest hour.
MR. MacNEIL: Mark, any comment on that?
MR. SHIELDS: Yes, Robin, I think that this is the only presidential campaign
I've ever seen where the campaign manager makes the policy statements
and the candidate's expected to be -- the presidential candidate is expected
to be the attack dog. And that's just -- that's just a total role reversal.
They scheduled it on the night -- on the day of the debate, to step on
their own story. And it's interesting, Jim Baker last Sunday night said
that he was not to be confused, he was the chief of staff and not the
campaign chairman when asked if his own reputation, culpability would
be involved if George Bush went down. It's interesting. What Dan Quayle
did last night, unlike I think Dick Darman, whose fingerprints were all
over the Bob Woodward piece last week in the Washington Post, a
series saying that actually Darman had been the savior of Bush's economic
plan, but agreed that there was a savior, a good guy, and Jim Baker distanced
himself. Dan Quayle stepped in last night and didn't run, didn't cut.
He stepped up and took the heat and he's loyal.
MR. MacNEIL: Then Dan Quayle also said this morning in one of his interviews
on television that raising taxes by the President was an act of courage
--
MR. SHIELDS: That's right.
MR. MacNEIL: This is a new line.
MR. SHIELDS: Well, it's a changing line. That position has been - - been
modified by the president and those around him several times, and this
is probably trying to put the best face on it, so Dan Quayle said in 1988
he was going to be his own spin doctor, and he was today.
MR. MacNEIL: Okay. Well, Mark and David, thank you both.

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