|
Of Flags and Floyd
By Dwight Lambert, professor of political science, University of
South Carolina at Spartanburg
 |
|
|
South Carolina's February 19 Republican presidential primary is the third
in the country and the first in the south. The primary plays out against
the backdrop of South Carolina's unique politics. The 19th century continues
to loom large in South Carolina. In 1961, the state's General Assembly
authorized flying the Confederate Flag on the state capitol in celebration
of the Civil War Centennial; the flag soon became a symbol of defiance
over the 1964 Civil Rights Act. In 1999, the NAACP initiated an economic
boycott to remove the flag, thus initiating a conflict emblematic of the
changing politics of the state. Incomprehensible elsewhere, the symbolic
value of the flag for South Carolinians is remarkable. A proud symbol
of honor and the "noble cause" for many, to others the flag
is an embarrassing symbol of racism and slavery. The coalition to remove
the flag summarizes the changes in the state: it includes much of the
state's business community, local governments, and religious leaders--an
unusual coalition in state more accustomed to the politics of elitism.
The flag pits rural Republicans from mostly white districts against suburban
Republicans whose constituents are more willing to see a compromise. Governor
David Beasley's opposition to video poker together with his willingness
to remove the flag contributed to his failed 1998 re-election bid. His
defeat corresponded to the best electoral showing for the Democrats in
decades; the 1998 elections left the Democrats with a two-seat advantage
in the state senate and the Republicans with a five-seat advantage in
the house. The redrawing of state election districts by the next General
Assembly means that both parties are determined to control of the state
house, making partisan division more intense.
The
Governor and other Democrats
Despite early gaffes like not opening the interstates to one-way evacuation
traffic for hurricane Floyd and, to the dismay of Democrats, failing to
fight for the confirmation of a labor union member to the State Ports
Authority, Democratic Governor Jim Hodges has successfully used the governorship
to set the state's political agenda. Emphasizing education reform, Hodges
took advantage of Republican disarray following the 1998 election to push
through pre-school programs and bonds for new school construction. Polling
shows the education issue is a popular one. Republicans cannot afford
to appear obstructionist. In response to the Governor's initiatives, they
espouse "transferability," allowing public school students to
transfer to another school district, an idea opposed by most Democrats
in the state assembly.
State Republicans are likely to latch themselves to their national party
candidate while the Democrats will more loosely follow the lead of the
Democratic governor by emphasizing education improvement. The Republicans
are also trying to capitalize on promises of tax cuts. National candidates
will have a difficult time balancing the changing mixture of conservatism
and modernism that have come to characterize South Carolina. Television
ads by Senator McCain remind viewers of his war record and independence,
powerful appeals in this deeply conservative state; ads by Governor Bush
have promised to restore dignity to the White House. Should Bush stumble
in New Hampshire, the South Carolina primary will take special importance.
The volatile, emotional, and symbol-rich politics of South Carolina make
it impossible to take the state for granted.
|
