 |
| Posted: March 25, 2008 |
 |
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
|
Chinese riot police recently clashed with protesters in the ancient Tibetan capital of Lhasa, as a new wave of demonstrations against Chinese rule has gripped the region. Two experts on the region take your questions on the crisis. |
|
 |
|
|
|
 |
 |
 |
 |
| Amy Schwartz of Exeter, N.H. asks: |
 |
| How deeply split are Tibetans among themselves over independence, and how serious is this split for their culture? Is the independence question largely a generational issue -- i.e. are the more hard-line protesters younger? |
 |
 |
 |
|
|
|
| Donald Lopez of the University of Michigan responds: |
|
 To respond to this question, one needs to distinguish between Tibetans living in Tibet and the ethnically Tibetan regions of the PRC on the one hand (who together constitute the vast majority of Tibetans) and the Tibetans living in exile on the other. Among the former group (with the exception of a tiny minority of Tibetans who are members of the Communist Party and who have thrived under Chinese rule), the recent unrest has made clear that they have a strong wish for greater freedom and equality. This would involve greater freedom of religion, a greater role in their governance, better education and greater economic opportunity. China has invested large sums of capital in Tibet, but these have largely benefited Chinese businesses and workers. At present, there is a great disparity between the income level and standard of living of the Han Chinese living in Tibet (and ethnically Tibetan regions) and that of the Tibetans, who in many cases have become disadvantaged second-class citizens. For these Tibetans, the difference between "independence" and "autonomy" is less important than improvements in the conditions under which they live, the preservation of their culture, and the return of the Dalai Lama to Tibet. In the exile community, some 20 years ago, the Dalai Lama renounced the demand for independence, calling instead for a "genuine autonomy" for Tibet within the PRC. He foresees a situation in which Tibet can benefit from and participate fully in China's economy, while retaining the most important elements of Tibetan culture, including language and religion. It is noteworthy that the Chinese continue to regard this as a call for independence and an attempt to "split the motherland." Many members of the exile community support the Dalai Lama's stand, but others (including the Dalai Lama's elder brother) feel that the struggle for full independence should continue; in general, this view has greater support in the younger generation born in exile. |
|
| Jeffrey Bader of the Brookings Institute responds: |
|
 There are definitely splits among Tibetans, both within Tibet and among overseas Tibetans about the issue of independence. It is likely that there was widespread support for independence from China at the time the Chinese People's Liberation Army advanced into Tibet in the 1950's. Since then, some Tibetans within the Tibetan Autonomous Region have benefited from Chinese rule, especially those who have joined the civil service, police or the Communist Party. They support the current arrangement of Tibet's integration into China. The Dalai Lama moved away from historic demands for independence beginning in 1974. By the 1980s, he regularly called for a "Middle Way," meaning genuine autonomy but not independence for Tibet. Because of the reverence of almost all Tibetan Buddhists for the Dalai Lama, his position has become accepted by most but not all Tibetans living overseas. Amy is correct that the more vigorous protesters and supporters of independence tend to be younger Tibetans. The Tibetan Youth Congress in Dharamsala, India, contains many pro-independence Tibetans. Both older and younger Tibetans tend to remain loyal to their culture and religion. The splits over politics have not had a significantly corrosive impact on the cohesion of Tibetan culture. |
|
|
  |
 |
|
|
 |
 |
| ASIA-PACIFIC: CHINA |
 |
| WORLD VIEW |
 |
 |
|
|