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![]() James Woolsey |
POWER POLITICS? NEWS UPDATE: Go to Continuing Strikes in Iraq for coverage of the Iraqi crisis. (12/17/98) |
![]() Chomsky |
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Questions asked
in this forum:
Does the U.S. have a moral obligation to intervene in international affairs? Is America's willingness to use force against Iraq just a continuation of previous policies? Do you think the U.S. government, including Congress, is overstepping its limits? Do you believe that the U.S. public has an adequate opportunity to form rational opinions about U.S. policy given the quality of media coverage? What does the recent crisis tell us about the direction U.S. foreign policy is headed in the post-Cold War world?
NewsHour Backgrounders
March 2, 1998
Members of Congress debate whether Saddam Hussein should be contained or removed.
February 26, 1998
A discussion of the historical role of the United Nations in preventing conflict.
December 23, 1997
A year-end wrap-up of the state of American foreign policy.
Browse the NewsHour's coverage of International Issues and the United Nations.
Outside Links
James Woolsey discusses the Iraq situation in a Time Online chat.
Central Intelligence Agency
A background report on America's "Age of Imperialism" from the late 1800s to the early 1900s.
United Nations
U.S. State Department
When Saddam Hussein barred U.N. inspectors from visiting alleged chemical and biological weapons sites in Iraq, the Clinton administration responded with a swift military build-up in the Persian Gulf. Although most of the international community strongly opposed a military solution to the crisis, the U.S. repeatedly stated that it would act unilaterally if necessary. Only Britain, which dispatched an aircraft carrier to the area, offered unwavering support for a military strike.
Tensions have eased since an agreement was reached between U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan and Saddam Hussein, but the U.S. military remains in the region to enforce the accord. This apparent willingness to use force against Iraq, despite international opposition, has angered many critics.
Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, American policy makers have spoken of a 'New World Order' in which international cooperation may replace ideological divisions. But critics have cited America's willingness to use force in the latest Iraq crisis as an example of the U.S. using its 'superpower' status to further its own policy objectives. Supporters counter that it was this display of military strength that enabled Kofi Annan and the Iraqi government to reach a diplomatic solution.
Recently, a Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee held a meeting that discussed, among other things, ways to overthrow Saddam Hussein. Suggested ideas included recognizing an Iraq government-in-exile to establishing a "Radio Free Iraq."
Many in Congress, including Senate Majority leader Trent Lott (R- MS), have accused the Clinton administration of "subcontracting" American foreign policy to the U.N. while others have applauded the secretary-general's deal. But few have questioned whether the U.S. has the right to act unilaterally.
On March 2, 1998, the United Nations Security Council approved the latest agreement with Saddam Hussein. Shortly afterwards, the Clinton administration repeated its right to use force against Iraq and cited the Security Council's approval of the accord as its justification. But Russia, France and China, three of the five permanent security council members, have disagreed with the U.S.' assessment.
Answering your questions are Professor Noam Chomsky and James Woolsey.
Dr. Chomsky, a professor of linguistics at M.I.T, has written extensively on American foreign policy.
Mr. Woolsey served as Director of the Central Intelligence Agency from 1993-1995, and is one of the 18 prominent policy makers who called for Saddam Hussein's ouster.
Does the U.S. have a moral obligation to intervene in international affairs? Is America's willingness to use force against Iraq just a continuation of previous policies? Do you think the U.S. government, including Congress, is overstepping its limits? Do you believe that the U.S. public has an adequate opportunity to form rational opinions about U.S. policy given the quality of media coverage? What does the recent crisis tell us about the direction U.S. foreign policy is headed in the post-Cold War world?
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