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Stretching 155 miles wide and two and a half miles deep across
the entire peninsula, the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) divides the
two Koreas. It also separates the universes of a war long forgotten
by most Americans and a peace tantalizingly close for nearly all
Koreans.
Patrolling soldiers, miles of barbed wire fence, mine fields,
guard posts and observation decks serve as reminders that the
three-year Korean War ended on July 25, 1953, with a military
armistice rather than a peace treaty.
In
the five decades since, U.S., South Korean and North Korean soldiers
have patrolled the Zone, operating under a dizzying array of initials
and acronyms. Those are a legacy of a war fought under the United
Nations flag, with troops from 17 nations, under an American commander
against the combined forces of North Korea and China.
While helping prevent a resumption of all-out war, even as tensions
waxed and waned on the peninsula, the Zone has seen its share
of small-scale combat. Some 92 Americans have been killed there
since the armistice. In 1976, two U.S. junior Army officers were
hacked to death by axe-wielding North Koreans, and in 1994, a
U.S. warrant officer was killed when his helicopter strayed across
the divide and was shot down.
In the absence of fatal fighting since that incident, daily routines
involving the supervision of the armistice go on in a Kabuki-like
series of interactions between military officers assigned by the
allied and communist sides to the Military Armistice Commission
that maintains the truce.
One "temporary" building where they meet sits astride
the military demarcation line that is now the de-facto border
between South and North Korea. The conference table inside also
sits atop the line. Officers from the allied and communist sides
enter and leave through separate doors. In one classic case from
the 1960s, generals from both sides sat across the table for 11
hours without exchanging a word.
When American officers bring in visitors, South Korean soldiers
guard the closed north door.
Should it be opened, the soldiers stand one in front of the other,
the one in the back holding the belt of the one ahead to make
sure North Koreans do not try to repeat an attempt to pull the
front man out of the door and make him a prisoner.
Gradually, the U.S. has turned more responsibility in the Zone
to South Koreans. Only 40 Americans are now on patrol duty. Those
numbers reflect the drawdown of U.S. forces in Korea from 37,500
four years ago to 25,000 by next year. But two-thirds of South
Korea's 450,000-man army (military service is still mandatory
for males) is stationed near the divide and expected to bear the
brunt of a North Korean attack.
As distant a possibility as such an assault now appears, it was
all too real on June 27, 1950, as thousands of North Korean soldiers
poured across the 38th parallel (the post-World War II dividing
line agreed upon by the U.S. and Soviet Union). Meeting little
resistance, they struck Seoul barely 50 miles south and advanced
all the way south to Pusan. Four times, allied and communist troops
criss-crossed the 38th parallel, the allies pushing north and
then being repelled by a wave of communist Chinese, then the allies
pushing back again, all by the middle of 1951. The next two years
were subsumed in a stalemate and cease-fire talks that seemed
to go on forever in a village called Panmounjon. The death toll:
800,000 to a million Koreans; 115,000 Chinese; 36,400 Americans
killed and another 8,100 still unaccounted for; the total allied
killed and wounded, over 140,000. Buried even more deeply are
the recollections that a clutch of American POWs defected to the
communists and that the United States government several times
considered using nuclear weapons to try to resolve the conflict.
Of
the dozen editors and producers in our group, I am the only one
with vivid childhood memories of that war, of the newspaper and
newsreel photos of GIs freezing in the Korean winter and the political
conflicts it unleashed at home, especially after President Truman
fired Gen. Douglas MacArthur as the American commander, a decision
that produced the greatest test of civilian control of the military
in American history. It all seems so distant now, driving to the
DMZ through the bustling metropolis of Seoul, which was little
more than rubble by war's end.
In the DMZ itself, the absence of war mixes incongruously with
the remnants of war. There's a one-hole, par three golf course
built amid mine fields. The hundreds of thousands of visitors
now can purchase souvenirs at two gift shops. The allied side
of the Zone, where humans don't tread because of landmines, has
become one of the world's great nature preserves, full of rare
birds as well as deer and wild boar.
From an observation post onlookers can see in the distance, now
nestled on the communist side of the demarcation line, the one-story
building thrown together in 48 hours for the signing of the armistice.
The history books and the guides tell visitors that the American
signing the armistice document was Adm. Turner C. Joy. What they
don't tell you is that there is no end of history. Barely a decade
later, in the summer of 1964, two U.S. Navy ships were involved
in an encounter in the Gulf of Tonkin that led to a congressional
resolution authorizing full-scale American involvement in the
Vietnam War. One of those two ships was named the Turner Joy.
-- By Michael Mosettig, NewsHour
with Jim Lehrer
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