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INSIDER FORUM STEP INTO THE DISCUSSION
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Originally Aired: December 24, 2007
Insider Forum

From Darfur to Afghanistan: Insider Forum Highlights

For the past four months viewers have been submitting questions to our expert panels on subjects ranging from the Bush Administration's efforts to slows the spread of AIDS in Africa to U.S. Poet Laureate Charles Simic's view of modern poetry. Now, we take a look back at some of the highlights of Insider Forum.
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KWAME HOLMAN: Welcome to Insider Forum, a production of the Online NewsHour with Jim Lehrer. I'm Kwame Holman. This week Insider Forum looks back at some of our highlight interviews over 2007. First up, Judy Woodruff speaks with Democratic strategist Laura Schwartz and Republic strategist Cheri Jacobus on the challenges of campaign fundraising during the 2008 presidential election.


JUDY WOODRUFF: Hello, and welcome to this week's Insider Forum, produced by the Online NewsHour. I'm Judy Woodruff.

Recently, Republican and Democratic presidential candidates released their fundraising numbers for the third quarter of 2007. These new numbers, which had Senator Hillary Clinton as the top fundraiser on the Democratic side, with $27 million, and Mayor Rudy Giuliani, for the Republicans, raising $11 million, give us a really vital look at the health of the campaign.

We're here today to talk about those numbers, and, to help us understand what all the Republican and the Democratic campaigns are going to be doing in the run-up to the 2008 primaries, are two political strategists.

Cheri Jacobus is a Republican strategist. She is the founder of Capitol Strategies, based in Washington, D.C. She's a former spokeswoman for the Republican National Committee, and she's worked with many congressional leaders. She's a regular contributor to CNN, FOX, MSNBC, and other news programs.

Also joining us is Laura Schwartz, a Democratic strategist and founder of White House Strategies, based in Chicago. She was White House director of events under President Bill Clinton, and she's currently a political analyst for FOX News.

Welcome to you both.

CHERI JACOBUS: Thank you, good to be here.

LAURA SCHWARTZ: Thank you.

Laura Schwartz
Laura Schwartz
White House Strategies
But, as for those, overall, over at the Democratic side, there's great momentum. People were enthusiastic among the Democratic Party and Independents after the big win in the 2006 midterm elections.

Campaign strategists


JUDY WOODRUFF: Laura, what is your sense -- you brought this up a minute ago, that the Democrats are more successful this year; they've raised considerably more than the Republicans have, overall. That hasn't been the way it's been, traditionally, in modern politics. The Republicans have been more successful. Why is it different?

LAURA SCHWARTZ: Well, I think there's a trend of Republicans right now, it -- that the money, that they're having difficulty raising. And Cheri raises a good point, Fred Thompson just got into the race. There's a lot of folks out there on the fence on the Republican side. A lot of the Bush Pioneers and Rangers, his top fundraisers in his two presidential campaigns, haven't committed money yet. I think you're going to see a great gain on the Republican side from money, comparatively, in their upcoming fourth quarter, than they have the rest of the year.

But, as for those, overall, over at the Democratic side, there's great momentum. People were enthusiastic among the Democratic Party and Independents after the big win in the 2006 midterm elections.

And when you look at the recent history, like you mentioned, Judy, John Kerry, in 2003, his first three first three quarters, combined, was $17 million. In this one quarter, Hillary Clinton raised $27 million. So, it shows, I believe, a greater momentum, an enthusiasm, a real need for change that a lot of the Democrats are roused about, and they're getting other people to come onboard and give money, that have never given before. But that history also lends John Edwards and Bill Richardson and Chris Dodd and Joe Biden, other Democrats in the field, to say, "Hey, let's look at recent history." In 2003 at this time, John Kerry was behind Howard Dean, and he got the nomination in Iowa; Howard Dean fizzled out. So, I think those second-tier candidates on the Democratic side are looking to history and saying, "Hey, this could reverse itself again. We still have a chance." And the frontrunners on the Democratic side are saying, "This shows my momentum, that I'm outraising the Democrats from 2003."

JUDY WOODRUFF: Well, let me -- let me come back to Cheri on this question, because I -- I was looking at these numbers. Hillary Clinton has raised, overall, $80 million, almost; Obama, almost 80 million; and Rudy Giuliani, who, you know, may be considered the frontrunner -- you know, Mit Romney is certainly doing well in the early primary States -- they've each raised only about half of what -- 45 -- I guess 44 or 45 million -- of what Clinton and Obama -- it -- I mean, does -- are Republicans worried about this? Is this something -- what does that say about this election and this electorate, if anything?

CHERI JACOBUS: I think that, again, it shows that Republicans are just having a different dynamic in a different place right now in our primary. Whoever comes out of this with the nomination -- and there's -- I think they'd be able to match the Democrat, dollar for dollar.

But, I think, on the Democratic side, Hillary Clinton has been, kind of, running for a long time, and people have known that, so her fundraising operation has been solid, almost as if she were an incumbent, because of that Clinton name. Obama bursts on the scene, and he is exciting and different, and has been able to draw in a lot of new people, much in the same way, I think, that Howard Dean did when he ran for President. I don't really think that a whole lot of folks consider Edwards -- he might be top three, but I think people consider him pretty far behind these other two. And now that people are talking about the Hillary Clinton nomination as inevitable, these others are merely running for Vice President. I mean, to be honest, I think that's what most people consider it -- this to be.

Republican side, we're still -- the race is still shaping up. Again, we mentioned, Thompson just got in the race. Ron Paul has had an absolutely surprising showing, which adds a new dynamic. There is a lot of buzz about Huckabee, because of his strong performances in the debate. So, it's still very much in play.

Sarjoh Bah
Sarjoh Bah
New York University
Now, one of the major challenges for the African Union force on the ground has been how to protect the civilians when they venture out of the camps to look for, you know, scarce resources, like water and firewood, for their basic sustenance.

Crisis in Darfur


KWAME HOLMAN: Next, Ray Suarez interviews Sarjoh Bah of New York University on the crisis in Darfur.

RAY SUAREZ: Welcome to Insider Forum from the Online NewsHour. I'm Ray Suarez.

This week, the ongoing conflict in Sudan over the Darfur region. Dr. Sarjoh Bah is an expert in security and economic integration in sub-Saharan Africa, and has done field and academic work on the protection of civilians in conflict zones. He meets regularly with United Nations and African Union officials about the situation in the Darfur region of Sudan. He was last there last year.

Welcome to the program.

SARJOH BAH: Thank you.

RAY SUAREZ: So, as people who have been following the reporting from this part of the world will remember, a lot of civilians have been driven out of villages, people have had their cattle slaughtered. They've been pushed into camps, both inside the Sudanese frontier and in neighboring Chad. What's the situation now on the ground? How many people are displaced, and what kind of conditions are they living in?

SARJOH BAH: Well, I mean, since the start of the conflict, you have very close to 3 million people who have been displaced. The great majority of them are internally displaced persons living within Darfur itself, living in several, you know, IDP (Internally Displaced Persons) camps that are scattered across the region. And then you have several thousands more that have moved across the borders, primarily into Chad.

The living conditions in the camps are certainly, you know, appalling. I visited several of the camps when I was in Darfur last year; and, to give you a view as an idea of what the living conditions are during the summer months, it is like living somewhere in Arizona or in New Mexico at the heat of the summer, living in tented camps.

RAY SUAREZ: So, it's hot, it's dry, and a lot of the resources, if not all of them, have to be brought in from somewhere else.

SARJOH BAH: Right. It is -- it is hot, dry, and it's a -- very typical desert conditions; and at night the temperatures will plunge, which means that, I mean, it gets terribly cold during the rainy season. But the resources, as you rightly mentioned -- you know, water and, you know, just firewood for cooking -- will have to be, you know, fetched and brought into the camps.

Now, one of the major challenges for the African Union force on the ground has been how to protect the civilians when they venture out of the camps to look for, you know, scarce resources, like water and firewood, for their basic sustenance.

RAY SUAREZ: So, that's when a lot of people are targeted, when they're exposed in that search for the things of everyday life?

SARJOH BAH: The highest number of rape incidents, or incidents of rape that were noted by the African Union, took place during those attempts, when women predominantly move out of the camps in search of water or firewood. The African Union, sort of, force -- the reaction of the force in late 2005 was to mount what proved to be quite effective. It was referred to at the time as "firewood patrols," and what the mission basically did at the time was to identify an area where, you know, women will go out to fetch firewood, and that area will be cordoned off for a particular period, during which time the people are allowed to, you know, get the firewood or the water that they are in search of.

RAY SUAREZ: The African Union is the successor organization to the Organization of African Unity, and, even in the best of circumstances, it's a -- an organization that lives in some difficulty. The force of the AU that's been sent to Darfur has been small, partially at the insistence of the government, partially because it's difficult to get African states to send their armies to Darfur. Have they been effective in policing such a large piece of land? This is a huge area.

SARJOH BAH: Absolutely. I mean, the biggest challenge for the African Union force has been, How do you police an area that most people have always said is the size of France and with a force of under 7,000 uniformed personnel? That has proved to be quite a monumental challenge. And the other challenge, actually, is the fact that the force went in there as an observer force. Their mandate, initially, was just to monitor, to observe, and to report. So, that made it also difficult for them, in terms of their dealings with the government, to, you know, intervene directly in protecting civilians.

But, that being said, I mean, the forces actually was quite effective by late 2005 in protecting civilians. The first time I went to Darfur was in 2005, and the people I spoke to in the IDP camp were very complimentary of what the AU was doing. But this situation changed significant after May 2006, when the Darfur Peace Agreement was signed, leading to a deterioration in the security situation on the ground.


Lynn Novick
Lynn Novick
Co-producer, 'The War'
They may not remember the exact date of, you know, when it happened, but they can give you the feeling of what it felt like to be, say, under fire repeatedly in a battle.

PBS' "The War"


KWAME HOLMAN: And to Jeffrey Brown, who spoke with Lynn Novick who co-directed and produced, with Ken Burns, the PBS series "The War." Novick discusses gathering firsthand accounts from WWII veterans.

JEFFREY BROWN: Welcome to our latest Insider Forum. This is Jeffrey Brown, from the NewsHour with Jim Lehrer.

Now airing on PBS is the new series on World War II, called "The War," a 15-hour series. Last week, I had a chance to talk with Ken Burns on the NewsHour. Many of you sent in questions, and here to answer some of those is Lynn Novick, the co-producer and co-director of "The War."

And, Lynn, welcome.

LYNN NOVICK: Thank you so much for having me.

JEFFREY BROWN: The -- were there cases where there was a story that you were -- boy, you just so wanted to hear, but you just weren't able to get it to --

LYNN NOVICK: Yeah.

JEFFREY BROWN: -- to get the person to talk?

LYNN NOVICK: -- there were many situations like that. We would get calls, oftentimes, from a child of a veteran, who would say, "You've got to come to my house. My dad was in Omaha Beach," for example, "and I know he wants to tell his story. He's never told it to me, but I know he'll tell it to you." And so, we would come, and we'd sit down, and we'd know enough about this person's experience to know that we were very interested in what they might have to say, and, oftentimes, the child would be prompting their parent to say, "Tell them about what happened to you here or there," and sometimes the father would just say, "No, I can't. I don't want to," or he'd make a joke or whatever.

So, we found that we actually had to figure out which people wanted to participate. And one of my most vivid memories of this whole process was, I had been told about a veteran who was on Omaha Beach, and we were looking specifically for somebody who was on Omaha Beach, and we hadn't found anybody yet. And so, I went to this person's house, and we sat down to talk. And he was in the engineers, as well, just like the person who wrote the letter. And I said something to him about -- because, for me, whenever I think about D-Day, and I see this footage of the guys in the boats, and I know what's going to be awaiting them when the ramp goes down, and they're getting the machine guns, they're coming off -- you know, bullets are ricocheting off the landing craft, and things are exploding, and it's definitely not going to be good when you get out of that boat. And I asked, I said, "I -- if it were me, I would have asked myself, What" -- how is it possible that you get out of the boat at that moment when the ramp goes down? If it were me, I'd probably hide in the back and just fall apart. I wouldn't be able to get out of the boat. And he said, "No, everyone gets out, because your friends are going, and because you don't know how bad it's going to be, and you just -- you get out, because it's what you've been trained to do, and you just do it. You don't think about it." So, I thought, "Okay, this is going to be a good interview, he's going to really put us in that moment." And then he said, "So, when the ramp went down, I got out with my buddies, we ran up onto the beach. A shell came in, and my best friends got blown to pieces right in front of me." And he started to cry, and that was the end of the interview. He never recovered enough to tell me anything more of what happened. I mean, this was not on camera, this was just a meeting to see if he would be someone to be -- you know --

JEFFREY BROWN: Right.

LYNN NOVICK: -- be in the film.

JEFFREY BROWN: Right.

LYNN NOVICK: And he had -- he had never discussed this, and he couldn't talk about it, and it -- we -- you know, we always wonder -- well, that would have been so interesting, to hear more about what he went through, but it wasn't something he felt comfortable doing. And, of course, we had all the respect for that, but it wasn't something that we could really work with.

And I have sympathy for the person who wrote the letter, because it may prove to be frustrating. But you never know what can unlock -- what I have found, from many of the veterans we interviewed -- many of whom had been through extremely traumatic experiences -- the thing that unlocked it for them was having a grandchild ask.

JEFFREY BROWN: A grandchild.

LYNN NOVICK: Yes. Over and over again, they would --

JEFFREY BROWN: As opposed to --

LYNN NOVICK: -- a child.

JEFFREY BROWN: -- a daughter or something.

LYNN NOVICK: Uh-huh, yup. They would say, "I hadn't talked about this for years, I couldn't talk about it." We have a gentleman who was on the USS Indianapolis, which was a ship that was -- without giving away too much -- something bad happened in episode seven, which our -- your viewers will see -- our viewers will see, too -- and it was a very, very extreme situation that happened, and he couldn't talk about it for 50 years, and then his grandson started asking him. And his children had asked before, and he couldn't talk to them about it. And there was something about the grandson; he really wanted his grandson to know him --

JEFFREY BROWN: Uh-huh.

LYNN NOVICK: -- and to know who he was and what he had been through. And so, that unlocked it. And once he had told his grandson, he now goes to schools, and he talks about this all the time, in a very -- sort of matter of fact and somewhat chilling way -- chilling, not that he's chilling, but that --

JEFFREY BROWN: Uh-huh.

LYNN NOVICK: -- you hear what happened, and it is very disturbing, kind of horrifying. But he's able to talk about it without losing control, because he's, sort of -- he's worked through it, kind of.

JEFFREY BROWN: I've got a --

LYNN NOVICK: -- a lot.

JEFFREY BROWN: Very interesting. I've got another interesting follow-up on that, on the subject of memory and people's willingness to talk. This is from Alan, in York, Pennsylvania, "One aspect of a documentary project such as this, which draws heavily on the memories of participants, is the likelihood of memories to be reshaped over the" --

LYNN NOVICK: Uh-huh.

JEFFREY BROWN: -- "passage of time, or to be outright false, though not necessarily intentionally false. Memory researchers know a lot more about the general unreliability of human memory now than they did even 10 years ago. What does a producer do to mitigate these inevitable lapses in interview subjects?"

LYNN NOVICK: That's a great, great question, and a terrifying one, obviously, for anyone who's engaged in the kind of things that we do. We were very well aware of that, and we did our best to verify the stories as well as we could by looking at the people's service records, if we could get them; many of them were burned in a fire in the Army storage facility. So, if it was possible, we would get hold of the service records or any kind of documentation that would at least show they were where -- in the unit that they said they were in. And then we could figure out where that unit was. But if they're telling me a specific story of something that happened to a friend, or whatever, those stories are very hard to verify. So, we just -- we did our best with the resources that were available to us. But it is -- it is a risk, certainly. There's no getting around that.

I think we also have to recognize that someone might be telling you about a -- an experience that happened to them -- they may not remember the exact date of, you know, when it happened, but they can give you the feeling of what it felt like to be, say, under fire repeatedly in a battle. And they may not be giving you specific time and place, but they're giving you a feeling for what the whole experience was like. And so, we tended to use those, probably, just as much as a specific story.

Martin Howard
Martin Howard
NATO
It wasn't so much about going to capture Osama bin Laden, it is mainly to find a way of ensuring that Afghanistan doesn't become the kind of haven for terrorists and terrorism that it was before the end of 2001.

Security in Afghanistan


KWAME HOLMAN: And finally, Gwen Ifill interviews Martin Howard, Assistant Secretary General of Operations for NATO and Barnett Rubin of New York University on the reconstruction and security situation in Afghanistan.

GWEN IFILL: Welcome to this week's Insider Forum, produced by the Online NewsHour. I'm Gwen Ifill.

This week, we are taking a look at the situation in Afghanistan. Recently, I interviewed General Dan McNeill, the commander of NATO Forces in Afghanistan, about efforts to fight a resurgent Taliban force in the region for the broadcast NewsHour.

Violence in Afghanistan has increased since 2001, when U.S.-led coalition forces drove the Taliban from power. This year, though, more than 2,600 have died, a 50 percent increase from last year. And Afghanistan's production of poppies, a main ingredient in opium, is at an all-time high; more than 93 percent of the world's opium is produced there.

Here to answer your questions on the reconstruction and security situation in Afghanistan are two guests:

First, we are joined by Martin Howard. He is the assistant secretary general of operations for NATO, a position he assumed in August of this year. He supports the North Atlantic Council and the Secretary General of NATO, Jaap de Hoop Scheffer, in the management and political direction of NATO operations.

Also joining us is Barnett Rubin, director of studies and a senior fellow at the Center for International Cooperation at New York University, and director of their program on the reconstruction of Afghanistan. He has also advised the United Nations on the drafting of the Afghan constitution.

Welcome, to you both.

GWEN IFILL: Mr. Howard, I want to get back to Afghanistan with you. This question comes from Linda Gamso, Leawood, Kansas. She references the interview that I did with General McNeill, "The military commander interviewed said that training the Afghan police was a weak part of the work in Afghanistan. Several months ago, a report on Iraq said the same thing, that the police were the weak link in U.S. efforts. Why is the problem with the police? Is it because they interact more directly with the people, who are, themselves, ambivalent about what we're trying to do here?"

MARTIN HOWARD: Well, I think it's an extremely good question, and a -- in -- you know, I think that your correspondent has come up with part of the answer. I mean, it is interesting that the issue of training the police has been a common problem in Afghanistan and Iraq -- and, I would argue actually, going further back in the Balkans, as well.

I think there are a number of reasons for it. One is the reason that's already been mentioned, that, unlike the army, which tends to carry out operations and then goes back into barracks, the police have to operate within the community on a continuous basis. That's much more difficult, to generate that kind of capacity. It leaves individuals, perhaps, more open to intimidation if there are criminal elements or terrorists around, leaves them much more exposed. And, as a result, you know, those individuals need more training, they are not acting -- they're acting not in groups of, like, platoons or companies, but on their own. So, I think that's part of the problem.

A related part of that is that these people are generally more part of the community which they serve. That has advantages, it also has disadvantages if there are criminal elements or if there are -- if there are problems of intimidation within those -- within those tribal structures, for example.

The other part of the problem is, the international community as a whole has got itself quite well set up to support the training and mentoring of armed forces -- I mean, NATO, as an example, had many years -- has had many years of experience at that through working in Eastern Europe, for example, although that's very different from Afghanistan. But there is no real equivalent expertise and experience in building up police forces.

So, I think your caller has put her finger on a very important point for all parts of the international community to improve it.

And I'd go, maybe, one step further and pick up something that Barney said earlier about the importance of developing the justice sector. This seems to me to be very closely related to building up police forces. There's no point in building up a police force if there isn't an adequate justice sector for them to actually relate to.

BARNETT RUBIN: If I could add to that --

GWEN IFILL: Please.

BARNETT RUBIN: -- everything that Martin said is true, but what is also true is that President Bush ran for President in the year 2000 on the platform of "no nation-building," and he adhered to that for quite a long time. Therefore, after a quick military victory in Afghanistan, the United States decided to invest a lot of money and effort in training the Afghan army, which it saw as its partner in counterterrorism, and in training the Afghan intelligence services, which we don't talk about that much, in which it has invested several hundred-million dollars, and it just -- it basically asked other countries to do the nation-building activities that it considered to be less important and not the role of the United States.

As a result, there was no coordinated approach to the security sector, really, for the first 5 years, and we are just catching up, very badly -- we're catching up very, very late as a result. General McNeill, in your segment the other night, said that the police are 2 to 2-and-a-half years behind the army. I've heard estimates 3 to 3-and-a-half years. But it's something that is more difficult, for the reasons Martin said, that requires huge investment, and that the U.S. administration neglected for many years.

GWEN IFILL: Well, can I follow up with you, Mr. Rubin, on a -- on a spending -- priorities question from David Anderson, in Barrington, New Hampshire? He asks, "I recall reading a Government Accountability Office report that contained information about the amount of money being spent in Iraq and Afghanistan. There was a real difference in the amount being spent on reconstruction efforts and the amount being spent to finance military activities in the two countries. Should the U.S. be spending more on reconstruction in Afghanistan? And, if so, how would doing so change the situation on the ground?"

BARNETT RUBIN: Well, first, there's always a disparity between how much you spend on -- for military operations by a developed country and how much you spend on development. We don't have to look at Afghanistan, we can just look at the budget of the United States government. We have that same problem domestically. It's just a matter of cost.

In Afghanistan, certainly everyone who's looked at it -- at it in comparative terms has seen that Afghanistan has been the most under-resourced nation-building or peace-building operation of the entire postwar era, and this in a country which actually, although very few people know it, is one of the five or six poorest countries in the entire world. Like -- and -- like -- there's an article in the New York Times this morning about the health conditions in a part of Ghazni, and it's comparable to an area in the poorest parts of Africa; it's not like anywhere else in Asia. And the government is weak for -- similarly weak, as in those countries.

Now, right now I would say the problem is not need for more money. They do need more money. The problem is that the money is there is being used extremely ineffectively, it's being -- most of U.S. aid, for instance, is delivered through contracts with U.S. corporations that have no experience operating in Afghanistan, use their money very wastefully, and it is not part of any strategic plan.

I think this interview is not the place to go into it, but there are some institutions that have been designed by the World Bank, the United Nations, and others, and the Afghan government, that would lead to a much more effective spending of aid, that would be tied much more to developing Afghanistan according to Afghan needs, and that would be tied less to the need of the United States to have its flag -- and other donors, as well, not only the United States -- to have their flags flying on projects that are not actually part of any development plan.

GWEN IFILL: Mr. Howard, I have a question for you from Tim, in Clifton, Virginia, who asks, "It seems to me that Afghanistan rapidly became the forgotten war, both by the Bush administration and the public. If we can't remember why we went there in the first place -- namely, to capture or kill Osama bin Laden -- then why shouldn't we declare the same victory as in Vietnam, and leave?"

MARTIN HOWARD: I'm not sure I entirely agree that it was the forgotten war. I mean, I'm speaking from my experience here, not only in NATO, but from three years of dealing with Afghanistan, working in the U.K. Ministry of Defense; and I'm -- it didn't seem very forgotten then, I have to tell you.

I think there is a problem, that people forget -- sometimes forget why the -- why the mission in Afghanistan is important. And it wasn't so much about going to capture Osama bin Laden, it is mainly to find a way of ensuring that Afghanistan doesn't become the kind of haven for terrorists and terrorism that it was before the end of 2001.

And so, the mission -- you know, very simply stated -- is about building stability, and building stability through helping establish Afghan institutions and Afghan authority. And that's what -- you know, NATO is making a contribution to that. I mean, ISAF stands for the International Stability Assistance Force. I mean, in a sense, the answer is in the title of the force.

So, I'm not sure I agree it's the forgotten war. But what we do need, I think, to -- or -- is for governments and organizations like mine to continue to explain the underlying reasons why we're there and the underlying rationale for NATO's presence.

KWAME HOLMAN: Thank you for listening to this week's edition of Insider Forum. Be sure to check our website for your chance to send in questions to our next expert panel. I'm Kwame Holman.

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ONLINE NEWSHOUR LINKS

September 25, 2007
Filmmaker Explains Aspects of PBS Documentary 'The War'


October 10, 2007
Party Strategists Discuss Campaign Fundraising


October 16, 2007
African Expert Offers Closer Look at Darfur Crisis


December 12, 2007
Experts Assess Afghan Security, Reconstruction




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