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| POLITICAL WRAP | |
February 2, 2000 |
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Wall Street Journal columnist Paul Gigot and Boston Globe columnist Tom Oliphant discuss the upcoming Republican primary in South Carolina and Democratic "Super Tuesday" campaigning. |
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Tom, the poll surge by John McCain in South Carolina, how do you read his going from here -- going up 20 points just in a few days just since New Hampshire? TOM OLIPHANT: Well, after a political earthquake, I think you can expect a political tidal wave. This is as big a one as I've seen since Gary Hart 16 years ago in the Democratic presidential primaries. The thing that was most interesting about this surge for Senator McCain, it came in a poll that was taken by John Zogby, who has a very good reputation these days. The poll found -- JIM LEHRER: He does them for Reuters.
JIM LEHRER: Do you read it the same way, Paul? PAUL GIGOT: Yeah. Absolutely. It's a contest. All along, one of George Bush's big strengths was that he was ahead in the polls because he was ahead of the polls. He was inevitable. Everybody said he was inevitable. Why? Because he could win in November. Why? Because everybody said he could win in November.
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| Buchanan's 1996 South Carolina campaign | ||||||||||||||||||||
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PAUL GIGOT: He had no money. He was eating off nuts and berries. He's trying to call up radio stations. It wasn't a campaign. It was just Pat on a -- doing what Pat does. This is a real threat and a real fight. I think you're going to see South Carolina voters really interested in this because it's going to go down to the wire.
JIM LEHRER: Well, we'll get to that in a minute. But what about McCain? McCain said today that something magic going on. He was talking about the poll, talking about 2,000 people at this huge rally that showed up in Myrtle Beach today. Is something magic going on?
JIM LEHRER: Okay. What does George W. Bush do about this?
JIM LEHRER: You mean from the left and then from the right? TOM OLIPHANT: Exactly. JIM LEHRER: You mean that symbolically? TOM OLIPHANT: Exactly. And any other direction he can think of. The initial strategy we understand tonight because they've put out the text of a television ad that's begun running is to go right at him negatively. JIM LEHRER: Read a couple of those --
JIM LEHRER: The accusation being that McCain's tax proposal is smaller than Clinton. TOM OLIPHANT: And then, secondly, even worse is that he echoes the views of the dreaded Washington Democrats. And for Bush to do this -- JIM LEHRER: And then he adds a line about conservatives, right? TOM OLIPHANT: That we need a conservative leader to challenge what he's done. So, you put all that together. And compared to what's been going on in this campaign up until now, that's a frontal assault right at John McCain, to which, by the way, he'll have to respond quickly and effectively in order to maintain his position in South Carolina.
TOM OLIPHANT: It does set the stage for an interesting debate again on the Republican side about how to use the non-Social Security surplus. McCain would put most of it also into Social Security. Bush would not. There is both a political and substantive debate here waiting to happen. |
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| McCain and the New York ballot | ||||||||||||||||||||
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PAUL GIGOT: First of all, it's about time. I mean, New York's Republican Party is in many ways old Tammany Hall Democratic politics; it is designed for the front-runner, designed to protect the favorite. It's been used against candidates for years. Steve Forbes suffered from it in 1996 against Bob Dole, and McCain was going to take it this time. But McCain had a couple of assets. One, Steve Forbes had fought a court fight in 1996 which loosened it somewhat. And McCain was following that up with his own court challenge, which he was likely to win. The second thing he had -- and this is where the media support for John McCain comes in because he had a media echo chamber that was beating this like a drum and turning around to George W. Bush and saying, "aren't you playing unfairly?" The fact is he was. This was an affront to democracy and McCain deserves to be able to get on the ballot.
JIM LEHRER: He said he was going to get McCain -- TOM OLIPHANT: Beginning a week ago the bush campaign had the option of taking that towel, throwing it into the middle of the ring and maybe getting some credit. JIM LEHRER: Before New Hampshire. TOM OLIPHANT: That's right. And before it looked like they were being forced to. But by dragging it out six days, they gave McCain a bonanza of free publicity in New York that you could not buy for $5 million. JIM LEHRER: And he's still got the issue, doesn't he?
JIM LEHRER: What did Pataki and his folks think they were going to do? PAUL GIGOT: They were going to rig it so they could deliver the state for George W. Bush. JIM LEHRER: And he thought nobody was going to notice? PAUL GIGOT: There's precedent here. In 1996 the only people that noticed that I remember were the Wall Street Journal editorial page. We kept running editorials saying, this is an outrage. Al D'Amato is sewing it for his pal, Bob Dole. Nobody paid attention. This time McCain had the New York Times, he has every columnist - JIM LEHRER: The Times was on this every day editorially.
TOM OLIPHANT: With the same fervor that the Wall Street Journal showed for Steve Forbes indicating that perhaps it was a matter of whose ox was being gored. PAUL GIGOT: It deserves to be opened up for whatever challenger. |
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| Gary Bauer bows out | ||||||||||||||||||||
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TOM OLIPHANT: I'll tell you. Some real passion on a subject that still divides Republicans, you'll see it in Congress all this year, even if it's no longer reflected in the presidential campaign. And that is that the increasingly close economic relationship with China is at the expense of basic American values and even national security interests. Other than Pat Buchanan, I can't think of somebody who brought more passion to that point of view and it's gone. But there are still Republicans who think he's right. And secondly, you get this somewhat with Alan Keyes, but not with the kind of policy-grounded fervor you got from Gary Bauer, that if you're right-to-life as a matter of conviction, you have to be right-to-life and you have to stop fudging. And that clarity, again, is reflected in all kinds of Republicans who continue to believe that way but may not have anybody to speak for them as the election starts to be directed toward the center. JIM LEHRER: Toward the middle. How do you see Gary Bauer?
JIM LEHRER: It just doesn't resonate. PAUL GIGOT: He said in his defense if I hadn't been talking about it, nobody would. Yes, that's right. Nobody cared. And I think with that failure has probably done more to guarantee the World Trade Organization - China's entry into it passes this year -- than anything -- all the TV ads that Boeing and everybody else could run. |
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| The Democrats after New Hampshire | ||||||||||||||||||||
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JIM LEHRER: Finally, before we go, the Democratic race, Gore, Bradley, how does it look at the end of this New Hampshire week?
PAUL GIGOT: Page A21, "New York Times" I think. That's where Bradley is now relegated, at least until this McCain wave crashes. That's not good news for the Bradley campaign. JIM LEHRER: We got e-mail from viewers from people saying, "Wait a minute. You folks, meaning people like us, need to be reminded it was Al Gore who won the Democratic race in New Hampshire and all the talk was about Bradley." Did we, I don't mean "we," the three of us - but the big we, overstate what Bradley did in New Hampshire?
JIM LEHRER: But a lot of people thought, Tom, that McCain's storm would help Bradley because, oh, my goodness this is the year of the insurgence and this would help him. The last few days it has not.
JIM LEHRER: A Democrat looking for a choice that doesn't -- TOM OLIPHANT: Not yet. He has to provide that reason and then he has to do it in such a way that he can be heard. Just hasn't done it yet. JIM LEHRER: Okay. Still plenty of time. Thank you both very much. |
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