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President BushPresident George W. Bush
President Bush has said the United States has a right to eliminate potential serious threats to national security, especially in a dangerous post-Sept. 11 world, and must sometimes act alone in order to protect itself.

When asked during the Sept. 30, 2004 presidential debate whether he would be willing, after the U.S. experience in Iraq, to order another preemptive war, Mr. Bush said he would do whatever is necessary to protect the country.

"I think that by speaking clearly and doing what we say and not sending mixed messages, it is less likely we'll ever have to use troops," the president said. "But a president must always be willing to use troops … as a last resort."

President Bush also said preemptive war is necessary after the Sept. 11, 2001 attacks in order to keep threats from becoming reality.

"One of the lessons of September the 11th, a lesson this nation must never forget, is that we must deal with threats before they fully materialize," the president said in a speech on Aug. 16, 2004.

In the same speech Mr. Bush pointed to the war in Iraq as a successful example of his preemption policy. In spite of apparent failures in prewar intelligence, the president has said the decision to invade Iraq was right. The president maintains that Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein's behavior and history was enough to justify going to war.

"Even though we did not find the [weapons] stockpiles that we thought we would find, Saddam Hussein had the capability to make weapons of mass destruction, and he could have passed that capability on to our enemy, to the terrorists," the president said. "It is not a risk after September the 11th that we could afford to take. Knowing what I know today, I would have taken the same action. America and the world are safer because Saddam Hussein sits in a prison cell."

In July of 2004 Vice President Dick Cheney reiterated the administration's commitment to the policy of preemption as a tool to defend the nation against terrorist attacks.

"Having seen the devastation caused by 19 men armed with knives, box cutters and boarding passes, we awakened to a possibility even more lethal: that terrorists could acquire the capability to make weapons of mass destruction - chemical, biological agents or even nuclear weapons or gain such weapons themselves from an outlaw regime," Cheney said in a speech at Camp Pendleton Marine Base in California. "If terrorists get their hands on that deadly technology, there can be no doubt they will inflict damage on America and our allies. President Bush is determined to remove threats before they arrive instead of simply waiting for another attack on our country."

During the September presidential debate, Mr. Bush also warned that the U.S. president must act to protect the country regardless of international opinion.

Background Information

iconBush 2004: Defending American Lives and Liberty

iconThe White House: National Security

Sen. John KerrySenator John Kerry
Sen. John Kerry, D-Mass., has criticized what he calls the Bush administration's "unilateral preemption," which he says has weakened America's ability to effectively defend itself worldwide, especially against the threat of terrorism.

The senator has said although he would take preemptory action against threats when necessary -- "The president always has the right, and always has had the right, for preemptive strike," he said during the Sept. 30, 2004 debate -- the United States must form broad alliances in order to fully protect itself.

When the United States does act preemptively it must "do it in a way that passes the test, that passes the global test where your countrymen, your people understand fully why you're doing what you're doing and you can prove to the world that you did it for legitimate reasons," Senator Kerry said.

The senator added that aggressive nonproliferation policies and cooperation with allies can help reduce threats to American security.

The Massachusetts lawmaker has also said as president he would act unilaterally, without regard to international opinion, in order to protect the nation.

"As president I will not wait for a green light from abroad when our safety is at stake," the senator said in a February 2004 speech.

Senator Kerry said his main security mission would be to stop terrorists from acquiring dangerous weapons.

"As president, my number one security goal will be to prevent the terrorists from gaining weapons of mass murder, and ensure that hostile states disarm," Senator Kerry said in June of 2004. "It is a daunting goal, but an indisputable one -- and we can achieve it. "

Kerry's campaign Web site also includes a speech, titled "Prevention, Not Preemption," made by his running mate, Sen. John Edwards, D-N.C., in December of 2003. In the speech, Edwards called for "preventive" measures to be taken to protect the nation from terrorists.

"We should be exercising every option we have to stop the spread of deadly weapons before war becomes our only option," Edwards said. "The threat we face is obvious. … It requires action on multiple fronts in dozens of countries. It demands that we use every tool in our national security arsenal -- deploying foreign aid, engaging multilateral institutions, conducting diplomacy, applying sanctions, threatening and sometimes using force."

Background Information

iconKerry 2004: Strength & Security for a New World

iconVote by Issue Quiz: John Kerry on the Issues

Recent Developments

President Bush congratulates a cadet at West PointIn September 2002 the Bush administration released a document titled, "The National Security Strategy of the United States," in which the administration outlined a strategic shift in defense policy that had occurred following the Sept. 11 attacks.

"The gravest danger our nation faces lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology," the document said. "Our enemies have openly declared that they are seeking weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and evidence indicates that they are doing so with determination. The United States will not allow these efforts to succeed."

The National Security Strategy laid out the Bush administration's rationale for taking preventive action against the nation's enemies. The document argued that the Cold War policy of deterrence -- convincing the country's enemies that any attack would be met by a decisive and crippling counterattack, thus "deterring" the original attack -- would no longer work against radical terrorists who had no citizens, territory, or conventional interests to defend.

The National Security Strategy stated that in a new climate of terrorist threat the United States would consider "anticipatory" action against adversaries and "if necessary, act preemptively."

The document said the "magnitude of potential harm" posed by the threat of terrorism meant that "we cannot let our enemies strike first."

Historian and foreign policy expert John Lewis Gaddis called the administration's shift from a reliance on deterrence to the new policy of preemption "the most dramatic and the most significant shift" in U.S. strategy since the Cold War.

Related Report
National Security Strategy of the U.S.

"The gravest danger our Nation faces lies at the crossroads of radicalism and technology. Our enemies have openly declared that they are seeking weapons of mass destruction, and evidence indicates that they are doing so with determination. The United States will not allow these efforts to succeed. We will build defenses against ballistic missiles and other means of delivery. We will cooperate with other nations to deny, contain, and curtail our enemies’ efforts to acquire dangerous technologies. And, as a matter of common sense and self-defense, America will act against such emerging threats before they are fully formed."
--The White House

HistoryTop

President Kennedy confers with Sec. of Defense Robert MacmanaraDuring the Cold War deterrence and containment -- blocking and hindering the expansion and power of the United States' chief adversary, the Soviet Union -- served as the major defense strategy. The nuclear arsenals of both nations, and the assurance of a crippling response to any first strike generally meant that both dealt with each other warily and cautiously.

When the Cold War turned hot during the Cuban Missile Crisis, the idea of preemption was brought swiftly to the forefront of U.S. defense strategy.

In 1962 President John F. Kennedy was presented with evidence that the Soviet Union was building installations to launch ballistic missiles in Cuba. Kennedy and his advisers considered a preemptive response to the missiles, which he considered an unacceptable threat.

"We no longer live in a world where only the actual firing of weapons represents a sufficient challenge to a nation's security to constitute maximum peril," President Kennedy said in a speech to the nation on Oct. 22, 1962. "Nuclear weapons are so destructive and ballistic missiles are so swift, that any substantially increased possibility of their use or any sudden change in their deployment may well be regarded as a definite threat to peace."

In the end the Kennedy administration convinced the Soviets to remove the missiles by using a military blockade, applying diplomatic pressure at the United Nations, and agreeing to not invade Cuba.

-- Compiled for the Online NewsHour by Jason Manning

Related Report
The Cuban Missile Crisis
The United States had caught the Soviet Union building offensive nuclear missile bases in Cuba, just 90 miles from U.S. soil, and the two superpowers were now joined in the first direct nuclear confrontation in history. Reconnaissance flights over Cuba had begun in the summer of 1962, and surveillance photographs taken on Oct. 14 of that year showed the beginnings of a Soviet medium-range ballistic missile base near San Cristobal. Two days later, the president called together his most trusted advisers to serve as an Executive Committee of the National Security Council (ExComm). They discussed several courses of action -- everything from doing nothing to invading Cuba. After much debate, a naval blockade of the island emerged as the leading choice.
--The John F. Kennedy Presidential Library
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