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Wangari Maathai
02.18.05
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BRANCACCIO: NOW on PBS:

Local communities around the country are facing off against corporations over cell towers, super stores and stone quarries. Who wins and who loses?

FRED WALLS: If this corporation is more important than 5,600-odd citizens, then I'm not sure democracy stands much of a chance.

BRANCACCIO: And, fighting for democracy and the environment in Africa and around the word.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Mobilize, energize, motivate, inspire, ordinary people to do things to improve their quality of life.

BRANCACCIO: Nobel Peace Prize winner Wangari Maathai on the Green Belt Movement.

BRANCACCIO: Welcome.

I'm reporting from St. Thomas, Pennsylvania. There is some history here. In the summer of 1863, at the height of the Civil War, a Confederate Army marched through these parts on the way to confront Union troops at the Battle of Gettysburg.

Now, there are new battle lines being drawn through St. Thomas, pitting the rights of a corporation against those of the community and some of its elected officials — and so far, the corporation is winning. Peter Meryash produced our report.

If you were to drive along the nation's first transcontinental highway through the rural, central Pennsylvania township of St. Thomas, you'd be forgiven for thinking all is peaceful. It's a quiet, conservative community of six thousand or so people.

But stop and listen. What you'll hear is a dispute that has many locals fired up: a dispute with implications for communities across the nation.

KEITH LASLOW: Let's be professional. I know it is a hot issue here in your township, and we want to take everything into consideration.

FEMALE SPEAKER: The St. Thomas Development has deprived our right to be self-governed.

MALE SPEAKER: I think DEP better forget about the book smarts, and use some common sense and think about this quarry coming in, it is a bad place for it.

BRANCACCIO: What's this all about?

It started with a plan to dig a limestone quarry here … which many residents worry will change the character of the town.

FRAN CALVERASE: The immediate reaction was-- "well a quarry is a big hole in the ground." It's right next to the village of St. Thomas and that really doesn't look good. And then when we started doing the research, we found out that not only did it not look good, but it wasn't going to be good.

BRANCACCIO: But the fight in St. Thomas township over a quarry is part of something far bigger and stranger.

A battle being waged around the country that pits a community's right to make fundamental decisions about proposed development against a corporation's right to develop land it owns the way it sees fit. In this case a quarry, but it might be a liquor store or even a "big box" retailer.

FRED WALLS: There's 5,600 and some odd citizens here. If this corporation is more important than 5,600-odd citizens, then I'm not sure democracy stands much of a chance.

BRANCACCIO: It all started nearly two years ago, where 416 acres of mainly apple orchards currently stand. The parcel was bought by St. Thomas Development Incorporated, a subsidiary of a Philadelphia area real-estate and construction company.

The company has proposed building a quarry on the land digging a pit two hundred eighty feet deep that will spread over almost 90 acres and is expected to produce half a million tons of limestone every year over the next decades. The project eventually could include a concrete and an asphalt plant as well.

The company says the project will generate as many as twenty-one jobs and produce the raw material needed to build roads and homes.

But "how would it affect the quality of life?" asks a group of several dozen concerned residents. They call themselves FROST or Friends and Residents of St. Thomas Township.

PAT WALLS: A group of people who live right here just got together to see what we could do to get the facts, because they weren't telling us. Everything was hush, rush, and get in and get established before anybody realized it.

BRANCACCIO: To learn more about quarries, the members of FROST did some digging of their own. Their worries?

Air and noise pollution from the blasting and rock crushing, heavy traffic as trucks make some 200 trips a day in and out of the quarry. They're worried the quarry might lower the water level affecting the local aquifer and wells and they're worried about the value of their property dropping.

FRED WALLS: We were kind of looking at this house just to stay here for, you know, retire out of it.

BRANCACCIO: Fred and Pat Walls live right across the street from the proposed quarry.

FRED WALLS: And, now with the quarry across the road I'm not sure it's gonna — you know it's gonna be an option.

BRANCACCIO: What's more, the proposed quarry site is located a thousand feet from the township's elementary school.

TOM STAPLEFORD: If I had the capability to pick up my school and move it a different location, I would do that. That's how strongly we feel.

BRANCACCIO: Dr. Thomas Stapleford is superintendent for the school district.

TOM STAPLEFORD: My concern and my responsibility is to ensure the health, safety and welfare of the students and staff here. And I'm not confident that I can do that 100 percent.

BRANCACCIO: Dr. Stapleford says with the school so close to the proposed quarry the prevailing winds here could quickly bring dust and other things kids might do better not to breathe.

STAPLEFORD: There's a particular concern with the possibility of silicates and silicate dust. That can be particularly harmful to children as their pulmonary systems develop.

BRANCACCIO: And here's where a quarry story becomes a story about democracy both in this township and across the nation.

With no zoning ordinance on the books to restrict a quarry, township supervisors told the members of FROST, they couldn't stop the project.

FRAN CALVERASE: They should've been looking at that as a quality of life issue for our people. And they wouldn't do it.

BRANCACCIO: Fran Calverase is a retired Army Lieutenant Colonel who now serves as FROST's president.

FRAN CALVERASE: Essentially their response was: 'Well there's really nothing that we can do.'

BRANCACCIO: Enter Frank Stearn, part-owner of a local computer and electronics company. Stearn, at the time a member of FROST, decided to run for office in the upcoming election for township supervisor.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: Was it fair to say that you were the anti-quarry candidate?

FRANK STEARN: I guess to a certain extent you could say that my campaign was a referendum of sorts on this particular issue.

BRANCACCIO: Stearn didn't think of himself as a political activist. A Republican, he had once served with the local Chamber of Commerce but had never run for office before. With a month to go before the election, he started campaigning as a write-in candidate.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: It was a bit quixotic this undertaking of yours. What are the odds that a write in candidate like yourself could be successful?

FRANK STEARN: Well I had no idea at the time until I guess we won and I found out that actually the odds were like somewhere around one percent that a write in candidate can actually succeed. And we did it in a month.

BRANCACCIO: Stearn narrowly defeated his incumbent opponent. But the victory celebration didn't last long.

On February 18, 2004, at Stearn's first meeting as supervisor in came a bombshell: a letter warning him not to vote or even speak about the quarry proposal, or else.

FRANK STEARN: This letter basically states that if I vote in any matters concerning the quarry the threat-- there's a sincere threat to litigate immediately because they do not believe that I am capable of voting in a fair manner.

BRANCACCIO: The letter from the quarry company's lawyer stated: "… it would be in the best interests of all concerned that Mr. Stearn recuse himself … from voting … upon any issue that involves my client's quarry, concrete plant, and asphalt plant project …"

DAVID BRANCACCIO: But I thought you were elected on this platform and it would be I guess your duty to vote on this. What kind of argument could you make about you voting on an issue that you had run on?

FRANK STEARN: I guess they really just didn't want to see me voting on this issue.

BRANCACCIO: If Stearn did not recuse himself, the letter went on … the township could be exposed to "… liability …" and any votes on the quarry could end up "… void as a matter of law."

DAVID BRANCACCIO: Does it have an immediate effect? Do you think it changes your behavior or what the township council does?

FRANK STEARN: Oh absolutely. It was very chilling. I mean let me tell you that it's your first day on the job, you know you've-- come to work, you're looking to do a good job for the township and what you've run into is this kind of you know sledgehammer in your forehead And clearly the township felt threatened. We're a relatively small community and you suddenly realize that you're facing- the potential of serious economic damage.

BRANCACCIO: And because of that, the man who was elected on an anti-quarry platform is now afraid to do his job. He's recused himself from voting on anything related to the quarry.

Neither the company nor its attorney was able to schedule an interview with us. But the situation has left Stearn wondering: whatever happened to the idea of government by the people?

DAVID BRANCACCIO: So whether or not one supports or opposes this quarry there becomes a different issue, which is it right that a person who's elected to serve in this capacity, an elected official, should be forced to keep his mouth shut not even by a lawsuit, by just the raising of an issue of a lawsuit.

FRANK STEARN: That is a very good question. I mean clearly it does not speak well to most people's understanding of how democracy works.

BRANCACCIO: Here's a lesson on how, some say, democracy works these days companies often come into town to build maybe a big, name-brand chain store, a cell phone tower, or a giant hog farm and threaten, or bring lawsuits that can chill community opposition.

And those companies are acting well within their rights, says Timothy Sandefur, an attorney with the Pacific Legal Foundation which, among other things, defends property rights.

TIMOTHY SANDEFUR: The majority isn't always right. We have a constitution precisely to protect the minority against the majority. And when that means protecting a corporation against a large number of voters, then that-- then that's right. That's the way it should be.

BRANCACCIO: The US Supreme Court first recognized in the 1800s that corporations have Constitutional rights when it decided a corporation is a person covered in the eyes of the law by many of the same rights as individuals including those of the Fourteenth and Fifth Amendments.

That meant guarantees, among other things, for due process, equal protection of the laws, and property rights.

TIMOTHY SANDEFUR: If the business buys that land, they have the right to do with that land what they want to. And if the community comes in and passes a law saying they can't do that, they're depriving that business of property. And that's unconstitutional, and illegal, and it's wrong. Because that property belongs to that company. Now you say, "Well, it's just a company." Well, yeah-- it's a company that's a group of individuals who have invested their money in order to make a living.

BRANCACCIO: It's a battle happening all across the country.

For example, in Turlock, California last year, the city council banned big box stores when Wal-Mart wanted to build one. The company is now in court claiming, among other things, a violation of its Constitutional right to equal protection under the law.

TIMOTHY SANDEFUR: And no majority has any right to deprive people of that-- of those rights. Even if the people who exercise those rights decide to do so in the form of a corporation. People have the right to do business. They have the right to use property. They have the right to go into business for themselves, to make a living for themselves and their families. And if they decide to do that by creating a corporation, they should not have the government come along and take their property away and call them evil, greedy, profit-grabbing enterprises, and so forth.

BRANCACCIO: This man couldn't disagree more. Attorney Thomas Linzey represents the members of FROST. He says that the legal rights claimed by corporations often outweigh the rights of regular people making the corporation into a kind of "super-citizen."

TOM LINZEY: Decisions made by corporations and the corporate few that run them every day are trumping the rights of the majority at the local level to make decisions about what they want their communities to look like in 20, 40, or 50 years.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: You don't want a system of law set up that's sort of whimsical. It doesn't seem crazy that corporations have some kind of rights.

TOM LINZEY: Well, it depends on who defines fair. If we take seriously this contention that people are the source of all governing authority and should be able to make decisions about investments and production and labor and whether a quarry comes into a specific area or a corporate hog farm comes into an area, the question is who do you want making those decisions? Do you want the few who are coming into vacuum out the resources of a particular area? Or do you want decisions made by the many at the local level?

BRANCACCIO: But in the case of St. Thomas township, the local official was stopped from even making the decision. The letter from the quarry company's lawyer alleged "… bias …" because Mr. Stearn had campaigned on the issue … and that if he even voted "… against the project … [it] would be viewed as discriminatory in nature."

That claim might or might not hold up in court. But as Thomas Linzey sees it, the threat of a lawsuit is backed up by the company's deep pockets and elected officials can't afford that risk.

TOM LINZEY: There's something wrong here when a corporation can nullify an election. Nullify an election, that's what we're talking about, fundamental Constitutional rights of people to elect the folks that they want into office to represent them. And a corporation, three individuals who run the company, coming in and telling the 5,800 people in this township that they can't get what they want. It's a fundamental breach. And it's incompatible with the basic founding values of this country.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: I guess the lesson here is that candidates should keep their mouths shut in campaigns about potentially controversial issues lest they be seen as biased upon election.

TOM LINZEY: Taken to its logical conclusion and believing that corporations are persons and have these Constitutional rights that they're clothed in, that's where-- that's where this leads. That's where this leads.

I mean, there are thousands of single issues across this country, whether it's Wal-Mart, whether it's incinerators coming in, whether it's other things that people don't want their community to be transformed by, that under this logic, carried to its logical extreme, which is you can't interfere with corporate Constitutional rights by making statements before you're elected because you may take a position on it after you're elected-- that it would-- it basically emasculates anyone who wants to run on issues dealing with corporations. And the question is how badly do we believe in democracy to not allow that to happen.

BRANCACCIO: Linzey asks people that question at weekend-long seminars across the country, called Democracy Schools.

Linzey lives near St. Thomas, but for this meeting, he's in New Mexico looking to rally citizens to his cause and to ignite a political movement to fundamentally shift what he considers a gross imbalance of power.

TOM LINZEY: It means questioning these 200 years of beautifully structured law in this country that has somehow stolen Constitutional rights from us and bestowed them upon corporations to run communities. That's the question.

BRANCACCIO: He's got a big task in front of him fighting years of "well-established" law and the fact that there are flesh and blood shareholders, employees and executives who's interests corporations also represent.

TIMOTHY SANDEFUR: It's simply not true that corporations have too many Constitutional rights. Corporations and economic liberties, and the right to private property, which are protected again and again in the actual words of the Constitution, have been ignored and treated like poor relations for 70 years.

BRANCACCIO: But it's the citizens of St. Thomas Township who are on the front lines of this battle now.

FRAN CALVERASE: The corporations in general have tremendous amount of power in the United States. We gotta have corporations, but we don't have to have corporations that run roughshod over the people.

BRANCACCIO: Next, a conversation with a woman who has been fighting battles for democracy in very different terrain — East Africa. Wangari Maathai was awarded the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize for the cool way she pushes for human rights, specifically the rights of women. The Wangari way connects equal rights and democracy to the environment and sustainable development.

As founder of what's called the Green Belt Movement, over the past three decades she has inspired and organized poor women to plant some 30 million trees in both her native Kenya and across the globe.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: Wangari Maathai, thanks for joining us.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Thank you for having me.

DAVID BRANCACCIO: What do trees have to do with peace?

WANGARI MAATHAI: When you look at many of the wars that we are fighting throughout the world, whether it's at the national level, whether it is at the global level, they are over national resources. They are over the limited resources that we have on this planet. And so, it is very important that we learn that it is very important for us to manage these resources responsibly. We have to share them more equitably. And we can only do so in an environment that is peaceful and democratic.

BRANCACCIO: Professor Maathai, let me ask you something practical. How do you make this work? How do you approach a poor community and get them involved in a solution?

WANGARI MAATHAI: Well see, the initial work of the Green Belt movement was to respond to very basic requests by rural women in Kenya. And the rural women would say, "Our issues are energy, which is mostly firewood. Clean, drinking water, because rivers are drying up. Food, nutritious food, for our children, livestock fodder."

And when you look at those issues. They all come from the land. They are not able to meet these needs because their environment is degraded. And we started-- I told them, "Let's plant trees," just like that.

I think it was just one of those things, maybe because I come from the land. I grew up on a farm. I worked on the soil. And when you think about it, that tree is almost a symbol of so many other things that you need to do in order to rehabilitate your environment. Now, initially, I would have said tree planting has nothing to do with the governance, has nothing to do with the democracy.

BRANCACCIO: It has to do with firewood. It has to do with-- keeping the soil from eroding. That's--

WANGARI MAATHAI: Yeah.

BRANCACCIO: --what you might've said.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Yeah. But gradually, I recognized that actually, a lot of environmental degradation is caused by leaders. It is the leaders who are privatizing. It's not the little people.

It is the leaders who are fighting over power and using resources to cause conflict between communities and tribes. And that is when, for me, it become very, very clear that you cannot protect the environment if you don't have good governance and if you do not have democratic space.

BRANCACCIO: Tell me about some of your results with the Green Belt movement. I mean, there's 30 millions trees that have been planted. That's extraordinary.

WANGARI MAATHAI: The whole concept of Green Belt was to adorn the Earth. To decorate the Earth with belts of trees. And what I don't like to see is exposed soil. Soil likes to be covered. Exposed soil is like exposed body. So whenever you see the soil, cover it with something that grows and is green.

BRANCACCIO: But the Green Belt movement also turned out to be a political movement, a movement for change in Kenya's political structure. How did that come about? How did it switch from the environment to something on the national stage?

WANGARI MAATHAI: It was a matter of need. We came to a situation where we confronted the people who were partly responsible for the degradation of the environment.

And the people who were partly responsible were the people who were governing us. It was the government and its agents. They were the ones who were privatizing green, open spaces.

BRANCACCIO: So, you find out about this. What did you do?

WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, I said, 'That is not possible.' People need open space. People need to bring their children into an area where they can play without restriction. And I was told 'this is development.' And I said, That is not development.

It's definitely not sustainable development, definitely not responsible development. People need fresh air. They can do without buildings. They can do without concrete. But they cannot do without fresh air.

BRANCACCIO: Now, the old government, under Daniel Arap Moi they didn't much like this challenge that you are posing.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, no government really likes to be challenged. And I understood that very well. I knew that we were, as we would say in Kenya, we were removing meat from the lion's mouth. And that is not something a lion would want. So--

BRANCACCIO: Yeah, the lion gets mad at the situation.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Yeah, the lion gets mad. And the lion can hurt. And the lion can do terrible things.

BRANCACCIO: Well, did you get hurt?

WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, I got hurt several times — ended up in jail, got hurt physically.

BRANCACCIO: Well, you got beaten up?

WANGARI MAATHAI: Yeah. But I understood very well why they were doing that. But we were lucky.

Because eventually, we were able to bring in many, many more people, and for more people to understand that we needed to have change. So, we did not regret the suffering that we went through. We knew that we were fighting for a good cause, and when you are sometimes fighting against a high tide, you know you'll get hurt. You know you will suffer. But you know that the end result, if you are lucky, you will see the end result.

If you are not lucky, you may not see, but you hope that the fight will continue until the end. Fortunately, I lived long enough to see the change.

BRANCACCIO: As you speak, following your award, there are people all over the world trying to borrow your method. One thing they can't do, though, is clone Wangari Maathai. Can the Green Belt Movement succeed in places that don't have a charismatic leader like you?

WANGARI MAATHAI: Well, I'm quite sure that anybody can take that approach and replicate it. The good thing about it is, that once you have the method, now you apply it, you adapt it to your own situation. So I don't want people to think that they have to replicate the Green Belt Movement. What they need to replicate, or what they can borrow from, is the approach of being able to mobilize, energize, motivate, inspire ordinary people to do things to improve their quality of life.

BRANCACCIO: Wangari Maathai, winner of the latest Nobel Peace Prize and author of THE GREEN BELT MOVEMENT: SHARING THE APPROACH AND THE EXPERIENCE Thank you very much.

WANGARI MAATHAI: Thank you.

BRANCACCIO: Here's a footnote. Wangari Maathai has just returned from Davos, Switzerland where she took the fight for sustainable development and democracy to the annual World Economic Forum to improve the state of the world.

Now, here's what we're working on for next week.

Local communities are looking for internet access, for the people - all the people. And when they can't find it, many are building it themselves.

BEN SCOTT: A city should have the opportunity to provide broadband access to the most people for the lowest cost. That's the bottom line.

BRANCACCIO: The digital haves and have nots. A revolutionary approach to the digital divide.

And that's it for NOW. I'm David Brancaccio. We'll see you next week.

Connect to NOW, online at pbs.org

Join the debate over corporate rights

Find out more about the Green Belt Movement

An environmental checklist for your neighborhood

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