"Soft
money" refers to contributions to political parties' "non federal
accounts," which are not subject to the legal "hard money"
limits set by the Federal Election Campaign Act (FECA). Technically,
soft money contributions should go only to such state and local
political activities as voter registration, get-out-the-vote drives,
and bumper stickers.
In 1978, however, the FEC permitted the Kansas Republican State
Committee to use corporate and union funds to finance voter drives
for both federal and state candidates. This created a new loophole
in the federal election laws, and by 1980 both major parties were
using soft money contributions for "party-building" activities
in support of their federal candidates.
The soft money loophole allows the parties to accept unrestricted
contributions directly from corporations and unions (which may not
give directly to candidates), and from PACs and wealthy individuals.
The parties cannot give soft money to candidates or spend it on
media that advocate specific votes. But they may spend unlimited
funds on ads, phone banks or mailings that praise a candidate, his
or her issues, or that criticize or attack an opponent.
Since 1991, when the FEC began requiring disclosure of soft money
sources, official totals have grown steadily with each election
cycle. According to CRP, during the 2000 election, the chemical
industry made $5.55 million in regulated, direct contributions.
In addition, it contributed $5.51 million in unregulated soft money.
The table below shows that the chemical industry's unregulated contributions
to both parties have consistently grown in relation to regulated
contributions since 1990.
|
Chemical
& Related Manufacturing: Long-Term Contribution Trends (Growth of Soft
Money to Parties in Bold) |
 |
 |
Election
|
 |
Total
|
 |
Hard
Money Contributions (Individuals)
|
 |
Hard
Money Contributions (PACS)
|
 |
Soft
Money to Parties (All sources)
|
 |
%
to Dems
|
 |
%
to Reps
|
 |
 |
|
2000
|
|
$11,057,980
|
|
$3,870,328
|
|
$1,681,218
|
|
$5,506,434
|
|
19
|
|
81
|
|
|
1998
|
|
$6,043,280
|
|
$2,361,762
|
|
$1,400,431
|
|
$2,281,087
|
|
23
|
|
77
|
|
|
1996
|
|
$7,837,929
|
|
$2,707,097
|
|
$1,500,575
|
|
$3,630,257
|
|
23
|
|
77
|
|
|
1994
|
|
$5,313,293
|
|
$1,896,745
|
|
$1,535,019
|
|
$1,881,529
|
|
33
|
|
67
|
|
|
1992
|
|
$5,496,199
|
|
$2,493,907
|
|
$1,745,148
|
|
$1,257,144
|
|
26
|
|
74
|
|
|
1990
|
|
$2,323,061
|
|
$720,455
|
|
$1,602,606
|
|
$0
|
|
29
|
|
71
|
|
 |
|
Total
|
|
$38,071,742
|
|
$14,050,294
|
|
$9,464,997
|
|
$14,556,451
|
|
24
|
|
76
|
|
For full
data and methodology go:
Chemical
& Related Manufacturing: Long Term Contribution Trends
Credit: Information and figures provided by the Center for Responsive
Politics (CRP) |
|
 
|
|