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Jeffrey Birnbaum
Oct 3, 2005
Jeffrey
Birnbaum is an award-winning author, television commentator,
and a columnist for The Washington Post. He joined the
Post in March 2004. Prior to that he spent seven years
as the chief of Fortune magazine's Washington bureau
and two years as a senior political correspondent for
Fortune’s sister publication, Time. (Read
Jeffrey Birnbaum's bio)
Q: What's on Congressional Republicans' agenda this
year? How might the legal troubles of the leaders of
both Houses change their priorities?
The Republicans had an ambitious legislative agenda,
but no longer. President Bush had wanted to overhaul
Social Security by adding private accounts, revamp the
income tax, and extend expiring tax cuts that he has
pushed through Congress earlier in his administration.
The hurricanes, especially Katrina, blew those proposals
away. Now it's all hurricane all the time except for
the occasional Supreme Court nomination. There just
isn't enough money in the budget to pay for much more,
especially since the hurricane recovery could cost as
much as $200 billion, the same amount that the U.S.
has already spent on the war in Iraq.
I'm not sure that the legal woes of Senate Majority
Leader Bill Frist and of House Majority Leader Tom DeLay
will have much impact on the cratering Republican agenda.
On the margin, I think the federal investigations into
Frist's stock sales and DeLay's state indictment on
criminal conspiracy will make it harder for the Republicans-in-charge
to muster partisan unity for any initiative. But, in
fact, that unity has been declining all year as President
Bush's poll ratings fell for all sorts of reasons, including
the bungled Katrina recovery and the messy war in Iraq.
Frist and DeLay aren't helping matters but the agenda
was already in serious jeopardy.
Q: How has Tom DeLay changed Washington politics
in the last decade? Does the indictment of DeLay indicate
an end of his strong influence?
For the indefinite future, Washington will remain Tom
DeLay's capital. Even though the Texas Republican was
dislodged by a criminal indictment last week from his
post as House majority leader, DeLay has changed for
a long time how power is amassed and used on Capitol
Hill and beyond. His proteges still hold virtually every
position of influence in the House, including the office
of speaker. DeLay's former staff members are securely
in the lobbying offices for many of the largest corporations
and business advocacy groups. And even more than people,
DeLay's lasting influence is an ethos. He stood for
a view of Washington as a battlefield on which two sides
struggle relentlessly, moderates and voices of compromise
are pushed to the margins, and the winners presume they
have earned the right to punish dissenters and reward
their own side with financial and policy favors. In
addition, his take-no-prisoners style of fundraising
-- in which the classic unstated bargain of access for
contributions is made explicitly -- has been adopted
by both parties in Congress. Democrats, likewise, increasingly
are trying to emulate the methods that DeLay perfected
(but didn't invent) for enforcing caucus discipline
-- rewarding lawmakers who follow the dictums of party
leaders and seeking retribution against those who do
not. Most of all, DeLay stood for a blurring of the
line between lawmakers and lobbyists so that lobbyists
are now considered partners of politicians and not merely
pleaders -- especially if they once worked for Republicans
on Capitol Hill. What's more, DeLay insists that he
will come back to power after he is vindicated in the
Texas court.
Q: Lobbyist Jack Abramoff , one of DeLay's close
associates, is still under investigation by the Justice
Department. What's the latest on that front? Are there
more troubles to come for Mr. DeLay?
Superlobbyist Jack Abramoff hasn't been charged with
any wrongdoing in connection with his lobbying of lawmakers,
including DeLay. But the federal investigation is continuing
and many insiders expect that Abramoff will be nicked
somehow and in not too long. Another option for complaint
against his will come in the arena of public opinion
since a Senate committee is also looking into his efforts
to in effect buy influence. He collected more than $80
million in a short period from American Indian tribes
and may not have given much service for all that money,
though he denies it. DeLay has asked the House ethics
committee to look into trips that he took with Abramoff
to places like Scotland and to clear him of any potential
wrongdoing. Ethic lawyers, however, say that DeLay may
be in technical violation of at least some ethics rules
because, for instance, Abramoff, who is no longer lobbying,
paid for some of the majority leader's travel, which
is forbidden. The ethics committee probably won't get
to this and other DeLay-related issues until next year.
Q: Have Democrats benefited from the apprent trouble
for the Republicans? How are they handling the developments?
The Democrats haven't capitalized yet on the Republicans'
problems. Analysts have said they have neither the charismatic
leaders nor the compelling set of issues or messages
needed to knock the Republicans on their heals, despite
the GOP's missteps. Maybe now that both congressional
majority leaders are operating under an ethics cloud,
the Democrats can make hay with voters. All they need
to do is be quiet and let anger well up. Usually, though,
that isn't enough. In order to create the wave of anti-Republican
incumbents they would need to regain majorities in the
House and Senate, they probably need to put forward
an agenda that, so far, they don't have.
Q: This morning, President Bush nominated his White
House counsel Harriet Miers to be associate justice
of the Supreme Court. What do you know about Ms. Miers
judicial philosphy? By nominating someone without a
strong conservative track record, does the President
risk alienating his conservative base?
The good news for Bush about Harriet Miers is that
she doesn't have any paper trail. She hasn't been a
judge and therefore hasn't expressed many opinions on
major issues that would anger constituencies. But that's
bad news, too. Conservatives, which form Bush's base,
are angry with him for choosing someone who could turn
out to be less than an ideological lock for them. They
saw this second nomination, after John Roberts, as the
chance of a lifetime to turn the Supreme Court in a
conservative direction. Now, they aren't sure if that
will happen because Miers is such a cipher on all of
the important issues from abortion to states rights.
What's more, she's not likely to reveal much during
the upcoming Senate hearings, following in the tight-lipped
tradition of Roberts and others. The more Democrats
say they are willing to give her a look, the more outraged
conservatives and Republicans get with the Miers nomination.
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