Visit Your Local PBS Station PBS Home PBS Home Programs A-Z TV Schedules Watch Video Support PBS Shop PBS Search PBS
Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly -- An online companion to the weekly television news program
Keyword Search
Topic Index Stories by Week
Home
Current Stories
Headlines
Election Coverage
Special Issues
TV Schedule
Calendar
Newsletter
Subscribe or unsubscribe to the E-mail Newsletter, or edit your preferences.
The Series
About the Series
Funding
Biographies
Awards
Credits
For Teachers
Overview
Lesson Plan List
Tips
Teacher Resources
Resources
Viewer's Guides
Videotapes
Featured Sites
Feedback
Contact Us
Story Suggestions

Entries tagged with “Politics” from Religion and Ethics Newsweekly

The 2008 presidential contest between Barack Obama and John McCain will likely be remembered for engaging religion at two levels: one thematic, the other cultural and demographic. Each points to how political religion paradoxically threads through and yet divides the American landscape.

At the thematic level, one could not help but note two theological resonances that coursed through the Obama campaign: change and hope. Wittingly or not, he eschatologized his campaign message, calling for metanoia (conversion, change) and a new future in political and public affairs.

Barack 110508.jpgThis fact belies the claim that he and the Democrats lacked a framework for organizing their ideas. Theirs was a this-worldly eschatology, attending to shareable temporal goods and the changes necessary to secure them. Further, this appeal to change meant more than putting distance between a new order and the Bush administration. Distances are quantifiable, measurable, linear. Obama's appeal to change suggests a qualitative transformation in our discourse, priorities, interactions, and expectations.  The metaphors of change and hope, however unspecified they might have seemed for those looking for program specifics, spoke to deep existential frustrations and desires across the country. They spoke to those who believe that political action can be meaningful and connective.

At the cultural and demographic level, the Obama-McCain campaign left a different track record on matters of political religion. Far from offering unitive themes and images, religion was served up to underwrite the culture wars. Jeremiah Wright's prophetic pronouncements on the left, Sarah Palin's homophobic, theocratic evangelism on the right: here religion worked in the service of political partisanship. However true or distorted these accounts might have been, such representations of religion support the idea that religious communities are fringe groups led by gadflies who live in an alternative universe, one that has de facto seceded from American public life. Moreover, such accounts work to represent religion as a source of faith-based moral simplicity, a conversation stopper that testifies to little more than to anger, fear, and distrust.

Scholars, the media, and public intellectuals owe it to fellow citizens to offer up an account of political religion that is other than aggressively divisive and utilitarian. We need rich discourses -- informed by history, anthropology, philosophy, and social theory -- that speak anew to the politics and ethics of belief in an increasingly globalized and pluralistic public culture. Further, we must get beyond reducing religion to matters of an individual candidate's personal faith or a diffuse set of values on which she or he relies. A denser, more multilayered account of what religion can bring to the political table can attend to religions that operate within the contours of mutual respect and that contribute to the conscientious pursuit of goods that we can discover and share in common.

--Richard B. Miller is professor of religious studies and director of the Poynter Center for the Study of Ethics and American Institutions at Indiana University.

| Comments (0)

I spent most of this morning working for the Obama campaign here in my hometown of Charlottesville. I've been away from home since Thursday at a conference. First thing in the morning my family got up, got dressed, and we all went off to vote. I took my daughter and baby son into the booth with me, and my daughter got to help select our choices and then confirm the ballot. My wife, who is Canadian, had never been to an American polling site before; she found it quite moving--all the people, excited outside, the matronly poll workers, even the middle-aged men seeming to move with the understated, regal deliberation of grandmothers.

After I cast my ballot, I began, somewhat covertly, to cry. I squeezed my daughter's shoulder hard enough with love and hope to make her scold me. Then it was off with her to school, and the rest of the day has been a whirl of data-entry, driving voters to the polls, getting balloons for this evening's party, and generally participating in the highly oxygenated anxiety that is a party's local headquarters on the day of the election. I found it deeply exciting, but also humbling, even awe-inspiring, in a way for which I wasn't fully prepared.

Since then I've been thinking a lot about the curious, and not entirely unhappy, coincidence of meanings in the word "election." On the one hand, citizens elect representatives; on the other, prevalent in the faiths stemming from Abraham, God elects humans--first a people to be God's messengers and representatives to the world, and then, through them (but not canceling out their election), and in Christ, all of humanity to be God's children. An election is something someone does, to be sure; but it is also something that happens to people, as well. There is a remarkable coordination of theological and political significance in "election," and it is worth noting--if only to resist the powerful idolatrous temptations it presents to us.

Those temptations have such power, not least because they identify quite profound resonances between politics and theology in general. After all, so much of politics, as it exists today in this impatient, petulant, risibly sin-riddled world, is waiting. We wait at rope lines for candidates to pass; we wait for election returns to arrive late at night, faces pale in the sterile glow of TV screens; we wait while a canvasser reads us his talking points on the phone, or urges us to support her candidate on our doorstep.

Less obviously, we wait for our friends and family and neighbors and co-workers and new acquaintances to enumerate, in what often seems to us inexplicably, narcissistically meticulous detail, why their chosen candidate or cause is obviously the only right one, wondering all the while where to begin in disputing their whole way of seeing the world. Sometimes we must even wait for our own minds to make up their opinions on issues we feel we need to have a view on now, if not yesterday. And always we wait to see--with fear and trembling, if we are pious and wise--whether the political causes we supported ultimately turn out the way we hoped they would turn out. (Usually this means waiting to find out how, precisely, we shall be disappointed.) Much of public life is spent enduring interminable time, when time itself drones on.

And then, sometimes suddenly, a change comes. Everything happens, all at once: deliberation ends, the ballots are cast, the votes counted, decisions made, the New Thing emerges. The old order--which seemed so solid, so firm, so unchanging--is swept away by the unprecedented. Politics is a disconcerting concatenation of kairos and ordinary time, with jarring shifts from one to the other, a kind of wild oscillation between "now" and "not yet," the world as we know it and the Kingdom coming.

Lord knows there has been enough messianism and enough demonization in this campaign. People on both sides have participated in both of these temptations; I certainly have. It's obviously a temptation to be avoided.

And yet.

There is, after all, more than a superficial connection between the two realities. People do treat their faith like a simulacrum for politics all the time--assuming that religious differences easily classify all of us in this world, separating us into clear categories. And we all know what it means to treat politics with religious fervor, especially here in the United States. Since the beginning, American politics has been saturated with not just superficial pieties, but with profound theological currents as well. We've always been involved with a more or less self-conscious quarrel with God over whose election was more important--God's election of the people Israel, or our election of our leaders, and behind them, of ourselves.

Beyond these rivalries between America and America's God, however, there seems to me a still deeper analogy to which we should attend. It lies in the ambiguities of that term "election."

To be elected is to be marked out in a special way, to be sure. But election is not an unambiguously happy fate. It certainly hasn't been one for the people Israel. It wasn't for Jesus Christ. And Christian theology says it should not be understood as one for the graciously elected. The fundamental obligation of God's elect is to be present before and available to God, to say, in ancient Hebrew, hinneni: "Here I am." Hinneni was Abraham's answer to God's call to sacrifice Isaac, Samuel's reply to God's call to become a prophet, the reply of the people Israel in Sinai to God's election of them as a people. (It was also what Adam and Eve did not say to God in the garden, and what Cain did not say to God after killing Abel.) To say "here I am" is a deceptively simple thing to say; but it leads those who offer it, as a kind of sacrifice to God, to terrible places. It leads, as the risen Jesus says to Peter in the Gospel of John, to death: "When you are an old man, you will stretch out your hands and another will gird you and take you where you do not want to go." "When Christ calls a man," the twentieth-century martyr Dietrich Bonhoeffer said, "he bids him come and die."

Election to the presidency, too, is hardly an unambiguous blessing. Just look at presidents' "before" and "after" pictures to see what I mean. George W. Bush looked like he was still uncomfortable in a suit in 2000; now his suits look more at ease than his face, and his once full dark head of hair has become thinner, and unambiguously grey. When Eleanor Roosevelt told Harry Truman that her husband had died, he said, "Eleanor, is there anything I can do for you?" To which Eleanor wisely replied, "Harry, is there anything we can do for you?" No doctor would recommend the job of president to people who cared about their health; no insurance agent would willingly insure a president against death. To be elected president seems, in part, to mean that one is set apart for a certain kind of public suffering. What looks like the polished marble of divine promise turns out, after a few years in the office, to have been the sandstone of simple humanity, forced to wrestle with super-human challenges. Would that we were all a bit more like Eleanor Roosevelt.

Lincoln.jpg
Abraham Lincoln at Grant Park in Chicago
Wise presidents seem to know this from the beginning, or at least seem prepared to learn it. Abraham Lincoln famously said, "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me." Perhaps, as with God's election of people, all a president can do is say, "Here I am." Perhaps all presidents are Abraham.

But in this, as in all things, presidents are simply representatives of the people, the incarnation of the popular will. They suffer for all of us; they take upon themselves what is rightfully ours. If so, our belief that we elect presidents is an illusion; we are simply picking one of us to endure, in a particularly vivid way, what is the rightful desert of all of us. We simply pick someone to be the first to absorb what history throws our way. Our election still rests on events beyond our control. Our election is, once again, consequent to our being elected. Whether by history or God, in this respect, does not matter; what matters is that we receive more than we decide; we are acted upon more than acting, and no one, ironically, more so than the winning candidate, the "leader," whichever he is, who will now know what it is to be taken by another and led through four years in a way he did not wish to go.

I told you at the beginning of this essay that I was away from home this past weekend. I was in Chicago at the annual conference of the American Academy of Religion. Everyone was talking about the election, of course. But few among my fellow conference-goers seemed to realize the fearful symmetry to which we were witnesses. My conference was in the Chicago Hilton and Towers, fronting Grant Park--the same hotel that the 1968 Democratic National Convention was held in, and the same park that saw the famous Chicago "police riot." On Friday night, I was in the Presidential Suite on the 24th floor of the hotel, facing out on Grant Park. It was in that suite that the newly nominated Democratic presidential candidate Hubert Humphrey sat, tears streaming down his face. The tears were not from sadness or despair, but simply from the tear gas rising from the streets outside; but I like to think that Humphrey's tears were also a premonition of what that convention's catastrophe foretold for the Democratic Party: forty years in the wilderness.

Last Friday night, looking out the same windows that that tear gas came in, I saw the tents coming up in Grant Park for the Obama victory party. Tonight, God willing, I say, Obama will hold his victory celebration in Grant Park, with the old Hilton looming overhead, a brooding mausoleum of the ironies of history.

History has not ended. It has ironies in store for all of us, and certainly for a President Obama, or a President McCain. Whoever you supported for the presidency, whichever man wins it, whatever your religious beliefs, or irreligious beliefs, or nonreligious beliefs: Say a prayer, or think a good thought, give all best wishes for the man we elect tonight to be our next Abraham, and watch him as he walks out on his stage, out into the open, to say--still innocent of the blades and cudgels already hurtling at him from the future--"Here I am." In the years to come, may he be faithful to his words.

--Charles Mathewes teaches theology and ethics at the University of Virginia. His most recent books are A THEOLOGY OF PUBLIC LIFE and PROPHESIES OF GODLESSNESS.

| Comments (1)

Rev. C. Welton Gaddy, president of the Interfaith Alliance, says there are dangerous consequences for religion when houses of worship get too political. Do you think clergy should be allowed to engage in politicking from their pulpits? Where are the lines? Leave a comment below.

Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.



| Comments (6)

She was buoyant, strong, eloquent, and convincing. Also classy and passionate, in a speech that pulled off her threefold task. Hillary Clinton endorsed Obama immediately and unequivocally. She spoke straight to the feelings of the many that wanted her, not Obama. And she stated the negative emphatically, stressing that if you care about the issues that she campaigned about, you have to support Obama; switching to John McCain would be absurd.

By now she is a one-name political giant, inspiring a huge following that identifies with her and loves her. Hillary had expected to be president, but she expressed no bitterness. She put behind her the loss of a twenty-point lead, the slings and arrows of a tough campaign, and a good deal of sexist abuse in the media, projecting a sunny determination that looked beyond even the recent disappointment of being passed over for the vice-presidency. Brushing off all of that, she set a gold standard example of doing the right thing. Unlike Ted Kennedy in 1980, who turned the Democratic convention away from President Carter, or Ronald Reagan in 1976, who did the same thing to President Ford, Hillary helped unite the party behind the party rival who had defeated her.

clintonpic.jpgThe speech was long on tropes that moved her supporters on the campaign trail---the personal narrative, the glass ceiling, the Harriett Tubman run---and it was carefully short in areas where an Obama supporter might have hoped for more. Hillary stood squarely with Obama, but did not specifically commend his abilities or his readiness for the job. She said "no way" about switching to McCain, but did not go after his record or policies. Somebody at this convention needs to lay out a case against Bush and McCain beyond a snappy one-liner.

Conventions are about binding up and marching on, not the finer points of policy issues, or even the broad policies. Substantive proposals about issues and policies come later. How to restore fiscal sanity in Washington? How to pay for universal health care? How to manage the current economic meltdown? How to deal with Russia, China, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran, and North Korea, much less Iraq?

I accept that fiscal sanity and Russia must wait for the debates. At this convention I even accept, sort of, the decision to go light on racial justice issues, as Obama and the party are wary of scaring off undecided white voters. But wariness has extended, thus far, to almost anything that smacks of blasting the incumbent party.

The convention is more than half finished, yet very little has been said about George W. Bush, and virtually nothing has been said about Dick Cheney, a disastrous invasion of Iraq, the $12 billion per month bill for Iraq, war-gaming for Iran, torture, Guantanamo, the collapse of the housing market, and the trashing of civil and individual rights. A Democratic Convention in 2008 needs to hammer on some of this, especially if it has a cerebral, gentlemanly nominee who is averse to doing it himself.

Thus far this convention is too much like Obama's post-primary campaigning, which has featured vague generalities and a tone of tepid niceness. For such a convention, Mark Warner was a perfect choice for keynote speaker. There is still time for the convention to sound more like Obama in the days just before the convention, when he seemed to discover his inner populist. If Hillary had found her populist voice three months sooner than she did, she probably would have won the nomination. Obama may need to be dissuaded from waiting until mid-October; in the meantime, Joe Biden needs to step up as the campaign's happy warrior.

Hillary's greatest gift to the Obama campaign, until Tuesday night, was to run as the self-satisfied front-runner for months. She topped that on Tuesday in the only sentence devoted to her husband, by linking Bill Clinton's successful presidency to the necessity of an Obama presidency. That passing of the torch took a lot of class, and it will make a difference.

--Gary Dorrien is the Reinhold Niebuhr Professor of Social Ethics at Union Theological Seminary and professor of religion at Columbia University.

| Comments (0)

After the August 16 McCain-Obama forum at Saddleback Church, Gary Bauer, the president of American Values, says the event demonstrated that Senator John McCain's public policy views "are informed by his faith."

Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.



| Comments (0)

In his comments after the August 16 McCain-Obama forum at Saddleback Church, Shaun Casey, the evangelical coordinator for the Obama campaign, says the Democratic candidate resonates with young evangelicals and with those evangelicals who are tired of the Iraq war and "old cliches" about other moral issues.

Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.



| Comments (0)

RELIGION & ETHICS NEWSWEEKLY managing editor Kim Lawton discusses the resignation of the Obama campaign's coordinator for outreach to American Muslims, another setback in Barack Obama's effort to court Muslim voters.


Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.



| Comments (1)

Religious conservatives helped give Republican presidential candidate Mike Huckabee a decisive win in the Iowa Caucuses. In this September 2007 interview with Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly managing editor Kim Lawton, Huckabee talks about his personal faith and how that faith influences his politics.
Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.

| Comments (2)

Democratic Senator Barack Obama's campaign actively courted religious voters in his successful bid to win the Iowa Caucuses. In a June 2006 speech to the progressive evangelical group Call to Renewal, Obama described his personal spiritual journey and outlined his vision of the appropriate role religion should play in politics.

Sorry, you need the latest version of the free flash player in order to watch the video clips.

| Comments (5)

In political terms, Governor Romney's speech about religion and politics was a success. He was able to claim his Mormon faith with conviction and present his beliefs and values in terms that motivate many evangelicals to vote for candidates and participate in politics. While rejecting a religious test on the details of his Christology, he affirmed his allegiance to a political orthodoxy that includes a "common creed of moral convictions" and a rejection of secularism.

Governor Romney is surely right to emphasize that the Constitution opens public office to all faiths, but the fact that he had to make this speech also tells us that politics itself has become something very much like a religious test. We do not seek leaders who will tell us something that is distinctive about their vision for America. We want to know that they share the one we already have. We do not want to hear how they will build coalitions to arrive at working agreements on public problems. We insist on commitments that they will not compromise the short list of positions that have become like matters of faith to us. As a result, our elections, especially the primaries, are driven by polls and polarization. The irony that a candidate would make a speech about religious liberty to reassure an important bloc of voters that he shares their increasingly rigid political convictions seems to have been lost on most of the audience.

We should not blame our politicians for this. Candidates play by the rules we give them. Nevertheless, this confessional politics is very different from the relationship between religion and politics that the authors of our constitution had in mind. The patriots who gathered in Philadelphia were not secularists, but they knew enough about the history of religious warfare to want to keep the line between faith and politics clear. Faith is about commitments worth dying for. Politics allows people with different faiths to live together in a free society.

If we make politics into a kind of faith, we should not expect that it will still provide the opportunities for compromise and reconciliation that a free society requires. The partisanship that has marked our politics in recent years may intensify until disagreement becomes apostasy and innovation becomes heresy. The Founders looked to politics to set limits on that kind of conflict between religious beliefs. The ultimate irony may come when religion has to rescue us from political warfare by reminding us of a higher faith that also knows something about hope and charity.

-- Robin W. Lovin is the Cary Maguire University Professor of Ethics at Southern Methodist University.

| Comments (3)


Tag Cloud