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Entries tagged with “Religious Right” from Religion and Ethics Newsweekly

I attended my first-ever political convention last week--the RNC in St. Paul. I must say it was a good one to start with. The Sarah Palin effect was all the buzz of the arena and gave a unified theme to the night that I was on the convention floor. I interviewed dozens of delegates from at least 10 states and found an amazing amount of consistency among them:

They were only marginally familiar with Sarah Palin. All the people I talked to had only heard of her by name or not at all before John McCain made his announcement on August 29.

They are passionate about her. I heard "she is almost over-qualified;" "she is the best person for the job;" "she will bring balance to McCain who is too far to the middle"

John McCain made the perfect pick. There was a total commitment to her.

The most surprising response for me was to the role of a woman as vice-president and as it related to the worldview of religious conservatives. I asked questions about how people who hold that women should not be in spiritual leadership over men (a view called "complementarian") would respond to having a woman vice-president and potentially president). If you are not familiar with the line of thinking, it goes something like this:

Men and women are created in a relational order. Men are under God and women are under men. This is not to say that women are lesser than men, but just as tools are designed for specific purposes so is gender a guide to relational order. The Bible is used to support this view specifically passages like Genesis 2:7, 21-24; 1 Timothy 2:12-15; 1 Corinthians 11:8-9; Genesis 2; 1 Corinthians 11:8-10; Romans 5:12-19.

This is not a totally fringe view. It is supported by the Southern Baptist Convention, the Presbyterian Church in America, and many independent churches. It is perhaps the most common perspective among the evangelical religious right.

mccainpalin.jpgThere is an additional line of thinking that this vice-presidential nomination raises. It comes from reading Hebrews 13:17 and 1 Peter 2:13-14 in the same way as the above passages are read: "Obey your leaders and submit to their authority. They keep watch over you as men who must give an account." "Submit yourselves for the Lord's sake to every authority instituted among men: whether to the king, as the supreme authority, or to governors, who are sent by him to punish those who do wrong and to commend those who do right."

Many religious conservatives have used these verses to make the argument that God places our leaders over us, and to obey them is to obey God. For that leader to be a woman would mean that men would have a woman over them as a leader. This is a problem.

Many who hold to the complementarian view would say there is a difference between church leadership and governmental leadership. But this poses a problem for those who want to suggest that the president is God's appointed leader.

I raised some form of this question with the delegates I interviewed. I asked, "Do you think it will be a problem for religious conservatives who hold that women should not have authority over men and who do not allow a woman to be a pastor of a church or teach a Sunday school class with men in it? Will they have a problem with a woman vice-president?"

To a person the response was Yes, I am sure they will. But they will just need to get over it.

I was fascinated to think that this nomination could actually weaken the complementary view or the view of the president being God's chosen leader because of the commitment to support the pro-life ticket. It will be quite a dilemma for some religious conservatives who will have to choose between commitments. And there is no doubt that the support for Governor Palin rests squarely on her pro-life stance.

From the delegates I spoke to I am sure that the times, they are a changin'.

--Doug Pagitt is the author of A CHRISTIANITY WORTH BELIEVING and founder of Solomon's Porch, a Christian community in Minneapolis.

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By the end of the Democratic Convention, John McCain knew that his campaign was in deep trouble. Hillary and Bill Clinton had rallied her followers to get behind Barack Obama; Obama closed the convention with a spectacular speech in a stadium spectacle; all of McCain's vice-presidential contenders were either boring or unacceptable to the evangelical right or both; the Republican right-wing base was sour and depressed; and the Republican Convention was scheduled to begin with George W. Bush and Dick Cheney night.

McCain realized where all of that was leading, and it galled him that so many Democratic speakers dismissed his claim to maverick status as laughable. John Kerry chided that his friend McCain, before trying to debate Obama, needed to have a debate with himself. Others suggested that McCain abandoned his independence so long ago he represented a third Bush term in all but name; supporting Bush 90 percent of the time was not quite the mark of a maverick.

That must have hit close to home, since McCain prizes his (outdated) reputation for independence. He wants to be recognized as a clean-government reformer almost as much as he wants to be president; plus, the two things go together in this year's electoral aftermath of the Bush debacle. So at the last moment McCain made the most important decision of his campaign by opting for an unknown running mate whom he had met twice and interviewed a single time.

Palin.jpgSarah Palin's vetting was apparently a one-day affair, occurring the day before McCain offered her the nomination. The process was too rushed to have covered much of anything. Did McCain realize how little Palin knows about the world? Did he know that she had never traveled abroad until 2007? Did he even know she assiduously promoted the "bridge to nowhere" before she became the clean-government governor that turned against it?

Too much of the early media scrutiny along this line has fixated on a family issue that should be out of bounds in a political campaign; no candidate deserves to have her or his children roasted in the media. McCain may well have stumbled into lifting up the next star of the Republican Party. Palin has already electrified the party's base and provided a godsend-distraction from eight years of job losses, disappearing health coverage, massive budget and trade deficits, a two-and-a-half trillion dollar mortgage meltdown, a two-trillion dollar disaster in Iraq, and a damaged American image in the world.

But whatever Palin's strengths or weaknesses as a political performer may turn out to be, McCain's turn to her confirms the most unsettling thing about him -- his impulsive temperament. I opposed Howard Dean's candidacy for the presidency in 2004, despite sharing his opposition to the war in Iraq, because he struck me from the beginning as lacking the requisite self-discipline and prudence for the job. McCain has similar problems on a larger scale. He has an amply founded reputation for shooting first and thinking later; even his friends describe him as volatile and quarrelsome. Though considerate to staff underlings, McCain's hair-trigger rages against colleagues are legendary in the Senate. These tendencies correlate with his militaristic mindset and his distinctly self-righteous view of himself as a crusader for the public interest surrounded by corruptible types.

On the first night of the convention, Hurricane Gustav rescued the Republican Party from an entire night of George Bush and Dick Cheney. On the second night the party featured its patriotic militarism as a party-unifying theme and told the story of McCain's war heroism. That is not much of a platform for a presidential campaign, but the party has the immense distraction of Palin's novelty on its side, which will at least allow the McCain campaign to survive its own convention.

--Gary Dorrien is the Reinhold Niebuhr Professor of Social Ethics at Union Theological Seminary and professor of religion at Columbia University.

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The author of the new book, THE FUTURE OF FAITH IN AMERICAN POLITICS, and professor of Christian ethics at Mercer University, looks at the unique role religion plays in the U.S. political landscape and says that old categories of "religious right" and "religious left" are being re-defined.

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