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INTERVIEW:
John Kerry
October 20, 2006    Episode no. 1008
Read This Week's November 7, 2008
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Read Kim Lawton's full interview on September 20, 2006 in Washington, DC with Senator John Kerry:

Q: Why speak out on religion and politics now? Why this speech [at Pepperdine University] now?

A: Because it's not in a campaign. I'm not a candidate for anything right now, and I think it's important to assert some views about how religion is appropriate to a discussion and where it's inappropriate. And I think, to some degree, the discussion has been abused and somehow distorted some of the central themes and principles of Judeo-Christian, Muslim, whatever religion ethic. There is an universality in those, and I think we've lost a little of that.

Q: Why is this such a hard topic for politicians to deal with?

Photo of Kerry A: Well, I think it's hard for a lot of reasons. First of all, people will inherently be suspicious of anybody in public life, number one, which is why when someone asked me, "Are you sorry that you didn't give this speech during the campaign?" I said no, because during a campaign is not sort of the appropriate moment at least to begin that conversation. Secondly, it's obviously complicated, because it goes to your deepest, most personal beliefs, and faith by definition is faith. It is an article of faith that is sometimes not definable except through the faith itself, through your belief, and that can challenge people in a lot of different ways. So how it fits and where it fits and how it is tolerant of other beliefs that are different is a central clash that's gone on for a long, long time. It's not new.

Q: You mentioned you did it because you are not a candidate. When you were a candidate, what were some of the pressures that were brought to bear? Did you feel conflicting pressures from different wings of people wanting you to talk about it and not wanting you to talk about it?

A: Sure. I mean, there are always different views, but the job of somebody running is to sort through them and express your own view, and I didn't have any problem with that. What I felt very deeply was that it was inappropriate to overstep a certain line of discussion, and what I found was if you don't explain what your foundation is and you don't share with people the fullness of how you come to whatever faith it is you have or don't have, then people fill in the gaps for you, and that's even more dangerous, because it has been made, forced into the political dialogue in a lot of ways. Now, that's even tricky. It's appropriate, if you have a moral foundation, you can't leave your moral foundation over here and come to public life and say, "Hey, that's over there, this is over here." And I think that, to a degree, the debate over the last year has helped to make that clear to people. I think there was a little bit of, sort of, what's the word, there was sort of an ease with which people were kind of pushing them apart. And the discussion of recent years, I think, has forced a lot of us to realize, wait a minute, maybe there is a correctness in forcing you to think about how you don't separate them, but at the same time how you don't step over certain lines that had been drawn since this nation was founded, and that's really the discussion, if you will.

Q: Is there a risk of alienating people who feel this doesn't belong in the political sphere?

A: Sure. We have a very strong tradition in the U.S., obviously, and for somebody of a different faith, they are nervous of people of one faith or another asserting theirs as the primary basis of any particular action or another. And obviously the establishment clause of the United States constitution says very clearly that there will be no establishment of religion. So you have to draw a line between what motivates you morally and what pushes you in terms of your values versus what you are trying to achieve in terms of the public sector.

Q: Some surveys suggest that Democrats are perceived as not being friendly toward religion, that the Republican Party is seen as being more open, more favorable to religion. Is that true? What do Democrats need to do to reach out to people of faith?

A: One of the reasons that I wanted to have this conversation is that I think that is profoundly not true, and I think that's part of the distortion that has taken place. There are people of all kinds of faith, very deep faith, whether it is Jewish, Christian, or Muslim or Confucian or Hindu or something else -- there are people of extraordinary range of faith on both sides of the political aisle of America. But on our side there's been a greater reluctance to push that in a religious context in the public sector and to potentially be viewed as stepping over that line that we've talked about that the Constitution draws. And I think what's happened is in the absence of a willingness to at least assert the values and assert the moral basis of some of the choices that we make, other people have pushed this notion that they are in fact godless or non-spiritual or whatever. And we can't allow that because it polarizes and divides and in fact distorts the debate that we ought to be having in America. Let me be very specific. The Christian principles that I grew up with brought me to public life. The Christian conscience that I saw worked in the public sector with Martin Luther King and his discussion of the civil rights movement on moral terms, William Sloane Coffin and his discussion of the peace movement and the Vietnam War in moral terms, and others had a profound impact on a lot of us. And I think whether -- for anyone who has read and reread the Sermon on the Mount and you look at sort of the list of moral imperatives that Jesus talked about that you have to embrace in order to be a real Christian. I think you can talk to anybody on the Democratic side and they are moved and impacted and motivated by those. But that's not talked about enough, and it is also not recognized in the breadth of the agenda that we see. The agenda is not one or two issues; the agenda is poverty, housing, environment, the just and unjust war, children, our responsibilities for families, our responsibility to community. I mean there are a whole host of things that are embraced in those principles, and they are all part of the full practice of that faith.

Q: What do you encourage your party to do to get that message out?

A: Just be honest and talk about whatever is underneath that has had an impact or an effect on somebody's choices in the course of their life. The worst thing is to force it or push it and try to become something that you're not. But I think that for those who share those motivations, I mean, look at in the Jewish faith: tikkun olam -- the notion of one person can save the world and you go out and make that kind of a difference. I mean, there are unbelievable linkages between all of these faiths, and yet we don't search enough for the common ground that links us and for the ways in which we can come together and actually make progress. We see too much of an exploitation, and in some cases of distortion, of some of the commands of our faith, all faiths.

Q: You have been meeting with various evangelical leaders over the past months and talking with them. What have you learned about evangelicals? A lot of people think evangelicals are firmly and completely in the Republican Party. What have you been hearing from them?

A: Well, let me say first of all how impressed I've been by the activities that so many of the evangelicals I've met with are involved in. And many of them are -- they're not in anybody's corner, so to speak. They don't want to be. Some of them even have very strong feelings about television evangelism and others have very strong feelings about a single-issue politics or two-issue politics. These are people who are really trying to put Jesus first and politics way behind that, and they're doing it in many different ways. I'll give you an example. The greatest, best response, immediate response to Katrina came from the faith community. Today, you have someone like Rick Warren at the Saddleback Church in California who wrote THE PURPOSE DRIVEN LIFE who has engaged in an absolutely extraordinary effort to reach out across oceans, as well as here at home, to mobilize people to deal with poverty and with AIDS, something that his church and some others hadn't embraced enough. I think you are seeing a huge amount of effort put in among the evangelical movement in America to deal with our environmental responsibilities. So I think there's just a -- I think an ability for a lot of us to have a conversation that we haven't had that honors that common ground more effectively and finds ways to really make progress and respect each other's work.

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Q: Do you think some Democrats have written evangelicals off?

A: Probably, by stereotype, and I think it's a huge mistake.

Q: What about the Catholic community? In the last presidential election it was close, but the majority of Catholics voted Republican. What do Democrats need to do to get those Catholic votes back?

A: I think we have to make clear how we are, in fact, translating our faith into the moral choices that we make. In the entire presidential three debates, we had one question, which meant I had about a minute and a half or two minutes to talk to America about the subject of abortion, which is obviously a very divisive and difficult subject. As I said at Pepperdine, I think there's an enormous amount of common ground that can be found. Some people say there's no common ground. I just don't agree with that. If you're against it, you want to reduce it, you ought to make it rare. It ought to be rare in America, under any standard, and we need to be more up front. I don't know any Democrat who is for abortion. But there's a difference of opinion about who makes that choice about whatever the choices are that you have, and there's a difference of opinion in some cases about sort of what the standard is that ought to apply to a fetus, at what point in its development and so forth. These are struggles the Supreme Court has had for a long period of time. The law of the land is very clear, and I think we have to find ways to sort of not be incriminating of each other, but rather say, okay, how are we going to reduce this? How do we cut the numbers? And there are dramatic ways to do that, which we all ought to be able to agree on because they do better by children, they do better by women, they do better by families, they do better by communities, they reduce costs to the community, they reduce the emotional scarring and moral scarring and cost. We can do this, and I think we've got to talk more about that and see how we do it. It's not going to eliminate the fundamental difference, and I'm not pretending that it is. But let's at least not see more abortions because we have policies that are totally avoided as a consequence of the polarization of the debate.

Q: That's a new conversation for Democrats, isn't it? I mean, you haven't heard that kind of talk.

A: I think it is a new conversation. It's one we need to have. One of the things that I've learned about this in talking with people is that you've got to respect somebody's opinion who believes that life begins at a certain point in time, and you can't just dismiss it or push it away without sort of honoring the depth of that feeling. If that's what you believe, then to see that happening is a huge moral barrier, and it is an unbelievable difficulty for people, and I understand that. On the other hand, we need to get others to see the difficulty that a woman faces in some of the very difficult choices they face. And I think a lot of people find a place somewhere in between that's reasonable about when there ought to be an exception and where there shouldn't be one. I think there are ways we could have had 100 votes in the United States Senate, frankly, on some of these issues, but it's not allowed to happen because some people tend to look for the political wedge and don't want that measure of reasonableness to, in fact, be what is voted on.

Q: Do you see a different climate now for how religion is playing a role this election season compared to two years ago?

A: I mean, I don't see any climate yet, to be honest with you, which is one of the reasons why I sort of gave the speech. I think it would be inappropriate to do in the middle of some great tension, if you will. But I wanted to make sure we have a discussion about this, because I don't want to be put in a corner, and I don't want to be misinterpreted, and I don't want to be stereotyped, and I don't want to be broad-brush defined in a way that doesn't do respect to the thought and depth of feeling that I have about these issues and to the reality of the faith that I share. I'm not going to be pushed there, and I think it's an important discussion. I get upset when I see whole issues that help to define a good Christian or a good Jew or a good Muslim absolutely pushed aside, not even considered, not even talked about publicly, and I think we need to focus on the broader issues, and I tried to define the way that we might be able to do that in that speech.

Q: I'll finish up with more of a personal question. You talked very personally in your speech about your own spiritual journey, and you mentioned a period in the wilderness, and then you said you "suddenly and movingly" had a revelation about the connections between your faith and your work. What precipitated that, if you could say more about it?

A: I was really engaged in a very real personal journey of exploration, reading a lot, talking with people. I was going to the Senate prayer breakfasts and trying to find out, retest if you will, where am I in this? Feeling a little at loose ends is a good way to describe it. And I remembered when I was young, when I was an altar boy, when I was in my teens, I was very religious. I had a huge sense of peace and participation and emotional uplift through my participation in the Mass and the liturgy and so forth. And then I lost that. I wanted to see where that was. So I read a lot, had long conversations with people, and eventually just sort of had this light bulb go on in a very dramatic kind of way that I felt. It was tangible. I mean, you could really sense a kind of input that really surprised me. I mean, I don't know where it came from. You know, people can describe how those things come, but it really changed how I was thinking about myself and God and my relationship to the church, and answers came that hadn't been there previously.

Q: And then how did that work out for you?

A: Well, my wife and I share -- she's a very devout Catholic, and we share a very real faith. You know, I still sometimes question certain things. It's just my nature. I can sometimes be a little more linear. But the test of reason and faith is an ongoing test, but it's very real with me. The fundamentals are there, and there's a confidence about it that comes through a lot of things. It's like physicists. The more and more physicists explore the universe, the deeper and deeper many of them find their faith, because there are unanswered questions and things they see that they realize, they find an answer in a power that's greater than them and greater than any understanding they have or science has. There's a certain certainty that comes with you -- maybe it's something that happens with age, maybe it's something that comes with the spirit. But whatever it is, it's a good feeling.

It's not my journey I'm talking about. It's about what faith ought to be in public life and how broad it ought to be and what it ought to encompass. And we're going to have some differences along the way, as I described in the [Pepperdine] speech. If Orrin Hatch can find a difference with people who are absolutely pro-life with respect to how you treat stem cells, you can also find differences as to who accepts rape and incest as an exception and who doesn't. Those are just real struggles in the process. For those who believe that definition outside of science of when life begins is a matter of faith, it's very hard to say you are going to automatically legislate that on the people who don't necessarily share that particular point of view. That's been something that a lot of people have always had a lot of tension with. It doesn't mean that you believe morally, personally it's the right thing to do, and it certainly doesn't mean it's what you teach, but I have to make a policy, as I said in Pepperdine, not just take a position, and making a policy requires a lot of different input and sometimes some compromise.

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