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COVER STORY:
The Chad Pipeline
June 28, 2002    Episode no. 543
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BOB ABERNETHY: In Canada this week, the world's leading industrial nations agreed to more aid and investment to Africa -- if receiving countries make political and economic reforms, including an end to corruption.

It's widely agreed that in the past much of the aid and investment designed to help the poor in Africa has been wasted or stolen. But there's a project under way now that may change that.

Photo of pipeline workers In Chad, in central Africa, after years of civil war and failed development, a consortium of oil companies, the World Bank, and Chad's government have agreed on ways to try to guarantee that future oil revenues benefit Chad's more than 8 million people instead of enriching corrupt officials. Fred de Sam Lazaro reports.

FRED DE SAM LAZARO: Chad is one of the poorest of poor nations. Per capita income is just $200 a year, and this vast, land-locked nation -- nearly twice the size of Texas -- has just 300 miles of paved road. But all that may be about to change.

Chad has oil, and that's attracted a consortium of companies led by Exxon Mobil, called Esso here. They're building a $3.7 billion pipeline that will carry crude 650 miles across neighboring Cameroon to the Atlantic.

ANDRE MEDOC (Exxon Mobil): Basically we hope, and of course Chad government administration and people hope, they're going to move from this project from basically the pre-industrial era to the 21st century.

DE SAM LAZARO: It's not the first time that natural resources have been discovered and exploited in Africa. But whether it's copper, diamonds, or oil, the newfound wealth has done little to improve life for the vast majority of people.

Photo of pipeline workers This time, everyone involved vowed it's going to be different: Exxon Mobil has brought in the World Bank as a moral guarantor. The bank, in turn, imposed conditions -- both on the oil company and on the government of Chad.

GREGOR BINKERT (World Bank): The oil companies, of course, have learned from some of their public relations disasters in other countries -- in which they were somehow implicated or government officials were implicated. And it is a new way of thinking on their part.

DE SAM LAZARO: Binkert says for oil companies, the agreement is an insurance policy against criticism that they're concerned only about profits. So the World Bank required Exxon Mobil to sign on to an environmental protection plan. Chad's government had to pass a law spelling out specific areas where oil money will be spent.

Photo of pipeline workers MAHAMAT NASSER HASSANE: (Director of Petroleum, Chad Government): You know, in the law, we have defined some sectors that we call the priority sectors -- education sector, health sector, environment sector, drinkable water sector, and infrastructures. So we have to spend the money according to the priority sector, which has been defined clearly in the 1999 law.

DE SAM LAZARO: Allocations will be made by a committee that will be drawn from all sections of society. And, to ensure that all transactions are aboveboard, oil revenues will go not to the government but to escrow accounts in Europe.
Former U.S. Ambassador to Chad Donald Norland supports the arrangement.

DONALD NORLAND (Former U.S. Ambassador to Chad): The agreement is historic in one major respect. It's an infringement on the sovereignty of a newly independent African country. Can you imagine, yourself, having a major account in the bank but being unable to get at that money? Someone else has to give you permission to get at your own money.

DE SAM LAZARO: Chad is seen as a model for other African countries. Many are crippled with poverty and disease and have few options but to allow foreigners in to look over their shoulder.

Photo of President Idriss Deby Chad's president, Idriss Deby, is a former warlord who rose to power 10 years ago. So far Deby has supported World Bank efforts to bring in democratic reforms. He is philosophical about the apparent concession of sovereignty.

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President IDRISS DEBY: The world has become a village. It's all a part of the process of globalization -- in economics, in politics, and in finance. We voluntarily entered into this agreement because we wanted to make sure that the petroleum resources -- the money from the petroleum is used for no other purpose than to combat the poverty of the Chadian people.

DE SAM LAZARO: There are no guarantees it will work. Exxon Mobil first had to combat fears among the Chadian people.

ELLEN BROWN (Anthropologist, Exxon Mobil): That fear is, near the oil pipeline nothing will grow, because it will be hot and nobody will be able to plant anything.

DE SAM LAZARO: People in the path of the pipeline are being offered compensation by Exxon, or Esso; they can choose 1,000 U.S. dollars in local currency, or they can opt for in-kind compensation, and that comes out of the Esso catalog -- everything from bicycles to sewing machines to fruit trees. Absent banks or legal forms, payment is in cash and recorded by camera.

Photo of Chadians at meeting The process is fraught with complication, and there's especially strong criticism of programs that compensate communities near the pipeline. In a country where two out of three people can't read or write, many villagers complained that the school they were promised is behind schedule. They also pleaded for a well. Three of four Chadians lack access to safe drinking water.
And the people want jobs.

Mr. MEDOC: Our role is basically to produce the oil that we have discovered in Chad. And we are not trying to substitute ourselves for the government.

DE SAM LAZARO: Critics say Chad's government is even less likely to meet citizen expectations. In 2000, it began spending a $25 million advance -- or bonus -- from the oil companies in violation of at least the spirit of its agreement.

Photo of Michael Didama MICHAEL DIDAMA (Editor, LE TEMPS; French translator): The government used the money to purchase arms. It could have used the money for many other things. We haven't got electricity, we don't have health services, we don't have schools.

DE SAM LAZARO: President Deby angrily defends his actions. The advance money was not part of the World Bank agreement, he notes, and was used for a legitimate national need.

President DEBY: Chad was facing a rebellion from the north. We took $3 million only from this bonus to face the threat, because I am not going to let our institutions be threatened. I need to have peace and stability to make this project a reality.

DE SAM LAZARO: All sides have taken unprecedented steps to make the project a success: Exxon Mobil doing social outreach; the World Bank investing millions to ensure open and responsible government institutions and a democratic system of laws. President Deby says this is a chance to get it right, finally.

President DEBY: If we in Africa have, over the last 30 years, completely missed our development opportunities and if, as the West has alleged, that we are bad or corrupt managers, then we share responsibility with the West. But if we are the corrupt, you are the corrupters.

Photo of Pipeline Map Former Ambassador NORLAND: Deby regards this as his project -- that he desperately wants it to succeed. He wants this to be the Deby legacy.

DE SAM LAZARO: Former Ambassador Norland says the critical test will come once decisions are made on where, specifically, oil money will be spent among Chad's myriad needs and ethnic divisions, the basis of this nation's 30-year civil war. If it's successful, he says, the benefits could be far-ranging, and even help the war on terrorism.

Former Ambassador NORLAND: I see this project as being a marvelous opportunity to raise standards of living of the people in a part of the world that one day could descend into the kind of swamp that we find in parts of the world where there are foot soldiers being conditioned to change governments and conduct jihads against enemies.

DE SAM LAZARO: Chad's first oil revenues will begin to flowing in early in 2003.

For RELIGION & ETHICS NEWSWEEKLY, this is Fred de Sam Lazaro in N'djamena, Chad.

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