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INTERVIEW:
Dr. Allen Callahan
January 17, 2003    Episode no. 620
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Photo of Professor Allen Callahan Read more from Kim Lawton's interview with religious studies professor Dr. Allen Callahan about religion, art, and Martin Luther King, Jr.:

On the relationship between art and religion:
For a while in the modern period, earlier even in this century, some people were saying that art would be our new religion, you know, since we had sort of gotten over God and gotten over organized religion, or we were in recovery from organized religion. That's one of many prognostications of modernists that didn't cash out. I think that's because religion was undersold, even though it had a lot of problems, and art was oversold.

Religion at least pretends to be, claims to be, a portal. It opens to transcendence of ourselves; it points us in the direction of those things that are greater than ourselves, that take us beyond ourselves. And what art does is records our coming and going through that portal. It's not transcendence itself; it's an attempt to make some kind of record of it, to express it in some way. And to express things that at the outset we acknowledge are inexpressible.

The arts are that human effort to express those transcendent moments, but they're not the transcendent moments themselves. Those take place in spaces that we have designated as religious. I see that when the religion is good, that is, when people are in touch with their transcendent selves, then the art gets good. On the other hand, when there's some confusion about that, perhaps even a denial of it, when we don't have access to those things that are beyond ourselves, that are bigger than we are, greater than we are, then in my humble opinion, that's where the art becomes a challenge. And we may be moving through such a moment now.

Drawing of Martin Luther King On the arts and the African American community:
Because of the unusual history of people of African descendent in the United States, because of their slave ancestry, they come to the production of art under some unusual constraints. So, certain forms of artistic expression become favored forms over others because they are more immediate, more accessible, not as constrained-music, for example.

When I'm talking about art, I'm talking about the whole nine [yards]-music, plastic arts, various fine arts, even textiles and dance. It's in music especially that Africans Americans have been able to express or give voice to transcendent moments. They're very good at that. Historically African Americans have been very, very good at doing that, and I say they're good at that not just out of some kind of group chauvinism, although that has something to do with it, but also because that's been the verdict of just about everybody around the world. Everybody around the world has listened to music of this particular group of people that's been produced under these very unusual circumstances, and it moves them, and so some form of that music is moving people all over the world today.

On the origins of religion and spirituality in African American art:
Of course, African Americans are not native to North America. They came here on slave ships from West Africa. And those people had a life before they came here. In that wide region, say Western Africa, roughly the size of maybe the continental United States, one of the common elements of culture was a sensitivity to this transcendent dimension of life. This comes up in various ways. It was common in what we'd call West African religion to revere the ancestors, because they were part of the community. The community wasn't simply all the people in your neighborhood who were still alive. It included the people who were dead. And you had certain relationships with them, too, and you had to manage those relationships. These relationships with the living, with the dead, with the elements, with the powers of what we call nature now-all of those were negotiated through the language of music and dance. Those unhappy people who were kidnapped from West Africa brought with them that sensibility that couldn't be completely expunged or erased. They held on to that. That special sensibility for making contact with those things beyond ourselves, especially through music and dance, endured and came to be characteristic in what came to be African American culture.

On spirituality, art and music:
The kind of music that affects the body, and music that calls for physical response-much of what we call popular music in the United States-has its roots in African American music. Now, because that music has now become international, the elements of that music are ingeniously adept at putting people in touch with rhythms beyond themselves and taking them outside themselves; people are now stepping outside themselves in Tokyo and in Paris and in Buenos Aires and all over the place in clubs, at dances, with elements of this music. It has distinctively spiritual roots, because that's what makes it work. Even when the music is far removed from those roots, even when it's commodified, internationalized and removed very far from its roots, that power is still there. In other instances where the music has been closer to its roots, the connection between the work that it does and the way that it does that work on the human spirit have been clearer. The outstanding example is the civil rights movement, and those rallies when people met in churches before and after the speeches, sometimes even during the speeches, there was music, there were songs.

On music and the freedom movement:
In the civil rights movement, everybody who participated has the same thing to say about the importance of music. That was an engine, an emotional and spiritual engine that drove the movement. People sang songs; they sang songs during their rallies in the churches, they sang songs when they were marching, they sang songs when they were in jail. And some of these songs were very old. Some of these songs go back to the days of slavery, the Negro spirituals. Now the question is, why those songs? What is it about a song like "We Shall Overcome" that resonated so powerfully with those people? And once it did that, once it set that tone and their struggle became in a way internationalized, the whole world began to see what was going on in the South in America in the early 60s. Then everybody in the world got the buzz.

I mention "We Shall Overcome" because when the Wall fell in Berlin, that's what people were singing. They've got plenty of great hymns in Germany. Why sing a Negro spiritual? But by the time the Wall fell, that song had become identified with freedom, not just for a bunch of people who were the descendants of slaves in the United States, but for everybody. People even learned to sing that song in Tiananmen Square. It started in a special place, and it's packed with a special kind of spiritual energy and a set of spiritual connections and associations that are very powerful, and now it's like what someone said about Lincoln when he was laid to rest. It's now with the ages. It now belongs to everybody who aspires to be free, just as the people who originally coined that song aspired to be free. That energy somehow is packed into that song like a battery, and people can tap it; that happened in the civil rights movement, and for that song in particular it's now happening all around the world.

Photo of Mahalia Jackson On Mahalia Jackson and Martin Luther King, Jr.:
They became closely associated early in the civil rights movement. King made no secret of his admiration for Mahalia Jackson, but then a lot of people admired Mahalia Jackson. But Mahalia Jackson returned the favor. She became associated with King; she sang at protest rallies, and after King was assassinated, she sang at his funeral. She sang "Precious Lord, take my hand," which was his request. He had mentioned to her that should someone have to sing at his funeral, that's the song that he would like sung. It's a classic gospel song written by Thomas Dorsey, with whom Mahalia Jackson was also very closely associated. King knew that music, and the people that he knew knew that music very well and embraced it.

Mahalia Jackson could move everybody. This is a gospel singer who was inducted to the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, right? I think it was '97. She was just incredible. She sang at the Newport Jazz Festival, and she just rocked the house. People stood in the rain to hear her. When she got finished singing, they didn't want her to stop. She was a gospel singer-a very particular idiom developed by one group of people. But it just spoke to everybody. And she drew on those elements that were most powerful in African American music. Somebody said that she was the first gospel singer to draw the blues in or to use the blues. I don't think that that's musicologically correct, but it gets at the point that she tapped those powerful elements in African American music, and she was very up front about that, she was unashamed of it, she promoted what was essentially African American in the American musical heritage.

When she started singing gospel music in the earlier part of her career, it was very controversial. A lot of people didn't like that. People in African American churches thought that was improper because she did a lot of things and invoked a lot of behaviors in other people that were not quite proper sometimes. They clapped their hands, they swayed their bodies, they stamped their feet. And she did all that stuff. She was once reprimanded by a minister who told her that just wasn't proper deportment in church. (Mahalia Jackson was a Baptist. She was a good Baptist, and there was a time when Baptists just didn't do that kind of thing, or at least certain kinds of Baptists didn't. But she had cut her musical teeth in the Holiness Church, where they did that kind of thing all the time.) She was confronted by this Baptist minister about the way that she sang, and the way that other people responded to her singing, that she provoked this in other people, hand clapping and all that carrying on, and she staunchly defended those practices. She said that this was right, that she read in her Bible that you were to make a joyful noise unto the Lord, that all the earth was to sing praises, that there was to be hand clapping, that the music was to be loud.

Of course, the Psalms are replete in the Bible with these instructions that you're to make a joyful noise with cymbals and instruments and dance. It says that; it's right in the Bible. People have been trying, in the churches especially, to forget that for centuries. And that stuff just keeps coming back; like a bad penny it just keeps turning up, and she championed that.

Photo of Martin Luther King At some point earlier in King's career he was very ambivalent about those kinds of expressions in churches. And he says so. He writes about this in "Stride toward Freedom"-the emotionalism for which black churches were famous. King was very ambivalent about that-people running up and down the aisles and shouting and falling out. He didn't like that. I think that as King moved and became the person that he became, and became the leader of this movement that was changing the world, it was a movement of working class people, people who were close to those roots, his own people, even his own church, who related to that form of expression. It was in him, because he grew up in that. And he saw the power of it. He saw that it was something not to be ashamed of. It was indispensable to the maintenance of the spiritual fortitude that these people showed in the face of great danger and even death. And so the more he was involved in that, the more he was challenged by that, the more the music meant, the more important it was to sing those songs, the more important it was to line those hymns and to draw on that deposit of spiritual energy that had been made decades and even centuries ago by his ancestors.

On the arts and the legacy of Martin Luther King, Jr.:
It's a challenge for American art to appropriate that legacy, because that was a transcendent moment in our country. King was a prophet. He was truly a prophet, and he was recommended as such in his lifetime. No less than Abraham Joshua Heschel commended King to the American public as a prophet. Heschel had written a book on the prophets that is still a classic. Heschel was not a Baptist minister; he did not grow up in the black church; he wasn't an African American Baptist, he wasn't an African American, he wasn't a Baptist. He was a brilliant Jewish scholar, one of the most brilliant Jewish scholars of his age. He commended King to his community as a prophet. That's a pretty impressive recommendation.

King is a prophet and as such opened up a portal to transcendence for the American people, and not simply one community of American people, or people who were involved in one movement. King was bigger than that. Perhaps as early as the March on Washington, King was already greater than any one group or any one section of the country. He was now a prophet who was speaking to everyone. When he spoke in Washington in 1963, he spoke to the entire nation, and he spoke in the shadow of the Lincoln monument. He spoke in the shadow of a very imposing sculpture of a man who had spoken to the nation in a very difficult time. And Lincoln spoke in a way such that the country was different after he was finished talking. His Gettysburg Address revolutionized the American consciousness. The country was different after Abraham Lincoln gave the Gettysburg Address. He was able to speak to a country that was now turning to binding up its wounds, a country that had almost rent itself in two. He was able to speak to everybody; in an extraordinarily succinctly crafted speech he presented a vision for the entire country.

Between that time and 1963 when Martin Luther King spoke to the nation, no one had done that. Lincoln was the last person before King to speak to an entire nation. Lincoln spoke to North and South. He spoke to people who had worn blue uniforms, people who had worn grey uniforms, people who had worn no uniforms. He spoke to people who had been masters and people who had been slaves. Lincoln spoke to all those people at the same time. And he spoke to them of a nation that was theirs, that belonged to all of them. And after he finished speaking, the nation now had a new self-understanding, or at least access to a new self-understanding.

Fast forward to 1963. The president of the United States, who had made some very impressive statements about the destiny of the nation, nevertheless had great difficulty talking to all people at the same time, because once again the nation was riven with various differences and distinctions and conflicts. But when King spoke, he spoke to black and white, he spoke to Protestant and Catholic, he spoke to Jew and Gentile. He spoke to his friends, he spoke to his enemies, he spoke to everybody. And he says, "This is my vision of our country. It's not what we are, but this is what we can be. This is what I want this country to be, for myself and for my children." And he began to talk about that and said, "I believe that this is a vision, it's a dream that includes people in the North. But it also includes people in the South. It includes people in the east coast, people on the west coast, people who are the descendants of masters, people who are the descendants of slaves, people who came here in the 19th century, people who came here just yesterday. It includes everybody." We're still having difficulty living up to that vision, and in my humble opinion, no one since has been able to speak to the American people and to provide them with a vision that included all of them.

Photo of Dr. King and a picture of Ghandi in the background On the exhibition "In the Spirit of Martin":
Looking at the images of King in the exhibition, I was struck by their variety. Let's imagine for a minute that we didn't have a photograph of Martin Luther King. Let's imagine that all we had were these artistic renderings of his image-what it is that he looked like to people. It would be difficult to get a fix on what King looked like, for me, just looking at these various artistic renderings or representations of him. They just look different. Now it could be argued that that's to be expected of art, and it is. The photographs of the young King in Montgomery at age 26 are a little different from the photographs in Memphis, Tennessee at age 39. But something else is at work, too. Those artistic representations are being made under the pressure of artistic conventions and other aspirations and understandings of King. King is being interpreted. I've seen the same thing in images of Jesus, where how Jesus is rendered is really driven by people's understanding of Jesus and not by anthropological considerations or forensic reconstructions of what some guy looked like who's living in Palestine in the first century. That's not what it's about. I see some of that happening with King already, and that's what supposed to happen. What it also suggested to me is that artistically, as a nation we still don't quite have a fix on what King looked like, that is, how he appears to us, how we should understand him. It's easier to understand him as a martyr, for example. In its classical definition, a martyr is a person who dies for the cause. But King, even in a life that some of us would consider quite short-he was 39 when he died-had a public life that was comparatively long given the brevity of his life. Basically from age 26 he's an international public figure for the last third of his life-he did a lot in his life and said a lot in his life, a lot that's very important for us in this country and for the world. And we still don't know what to make of that.

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It's always easier to deal with people after they're dead. This is what war is all about; you can't come to terms with some people, so you just kill them; you destroy them. Once people are dead, their contribution to the spin control on our understanding of them is reduced to nothing. Then we become responsible for their legacy, for interpreting it. Simply making King a martyr makes short work of that. He was a great man who was killed. And today we talk about that a lot. To account for that distinction of martyrdom, his beatification is supported by sound bites, snippets of things he said and did that are congenial to granting him the status of martyrdom, but a lot of stuff that he did, that is really going to be challenging for us for which we have yet to come to terms as a nation and as a global society, is on the cutting room floor. It's a lot of stuff that people haven't dealt with, don't want to deal with, didn't want to deal with when he was alive, and quite frankly contributed to his death, because they didn't want to deal with it. We're still in the process of coming to terms with that. In that respect we still don't know what King looks like. We still haven't looked closely enough at who he was and what he was to know for ourselves in a full way who is and what he is to us.

On coming to terms with Martin Luther King:
The last few months of King's life were consumed with organizing the Poor People's March. King was going to organize people who were getting it in the neck from the American economic system-people from all over this country. He had already invited people who were stuck out on the reservations, people who were stuck up in the mountains of Appalachia, people who were stuck in the urban ghettos across this country, people who were stuck out in the fields for sub-par wages gathering all the stuff that we put in our refrigerators and on our dinner tables. He was inviting all those people to a party in Washington. They were all going to come to Washington, and they were going to camp out there and shut the place down until those guys stopped all that nonsense they were doing and did what they are supposed to be there to do, and that is serve the people. We live in the wealthiest country in the world, and we have poverty, and it is structural poverty. It is not poverty by accident, it's planned poverty. All of our poverty is planned. People are poor and destitute and starving all over the world, and all of that is not by accident. It's all systemic; it's all planned. King was pulling the coattails of global capitalism in 1968 and saying this must stop; this is wrong. A week before that march was to take place, he was assassinated. The issues that he was raising were very important. They're still important now.

Photo of Prof. Callahan Just a year to the day before King was assassinated, he spoke at Riverside Church-an extraordinary sermon. Don't expect to hear anything from that on the sound bites. You're not going to hear that. He called the roll at Riverside Church. He talked about Latin America. He talked about South Africa. He talked about Vietnam and Southeast Asia, and he made it clear that the United States was on the wrong side of all those struggles and that had to change. He said that he was responsible to say that, to bring that message to the country and the world, because now he had an international responsibility. He said that he had been granted the honor of a Nobel Peace Prize. And he said from then on that made him a citizen of the world and he was responsible to speak, to articulate the conscience not of just a nation but of a planet, and as he looked around the planet he saw the United States making mischief all over the place. And he said it was wrong. He said that this is happening because of money, it's happening because of oil, many people are dying to enrich few. He says that this is an affront to God, that it is profoundly immoral, and that it was his duty to stand against it.

Now, those are prophetic words and unfortunately they're just as fresh now as they were in 1967, especially in these days. They'd also be just as unwelcome. After that sermon at Riverside Church, King was attacked. One comment was that what he perpetrated in his sermon was demagogic slander that was worthy of some screed from Radio Hanoi. Now who would say something like that about Martin Luther King? What kind of organization or organ of communication would issue a statement like that about Dr. King? Sounds like something out of the John Birth Society, or a statement by the Daughters of the American Revolution. No, that was the judgment of Time magazine in 1967. And The Washington Post also had nasty things to say about King-that he had diminished his stature as a civil rights leader, and he had squandered that capital by speaking on subjects upon which he had no right to speak. So, the media came out against King. Even people in his own inner circle were saying, "Martin, leave it alone. That's not your place. Don't talk about that." But he had already seen that the civil rights struggle, the situation of African Americans in the southern United States was inextricably bound up with a war in Southeast Asia, with the toppling of democratically constituted governments in Latin America, and with another apartheid regime in the other U.S. of A-the Union of South Africa. He saw that all those were related; it was part of his prophetic vision. He testified to that, and people hated him for it. They didn't want to hear that guy then, and they still don't want to hear him now.

On Martin Luther King as prophet:
The works [in the exhibition] carry on something that had started even while King was alive-understanding him as a prophet, and our collective point of reference, of course, is the Bible and biblical prophets. King was referred to and introduced sometimes as the Moses of his people. The figure of Moses is a very important biblical figure in African American religion and culture. But it's also very interesting that King never identified with that role publicly; he never acknowledged that that was his role. He never said, "I recognize that I am the Moses of African American people, or I am the Moses of America." Except once, only once. That was the last sermon he delivered on the eve of his assassination. His text was from Deuteronomy, where at the end of Moses' career he looks over and sees the Promised Land. The only time King ever identified with Moses was in a biblical text where Moses had one foot in the grave. That text says that Moses stood on the mountain, and God speaks to Moses. And he tells Moses, "Look over there, you can see the Promised Land, but you're not getting there." God says to Moses, "You're not going to go. You'll see it, but you won't enter it." It's a very poignant moment in the Bible, because Moses has put a lot of time and effort into this project and has been working at it for 40 years. Then he looks over and he sees the Promised Land and he gives this great speech to the Israelites. He says, "You're about to pass over, you're about to go into the land of promise. Remember what's happened, remember your history, remember your destiny." And then he just drops dead. The Bible says that Moses was going strong until the last day. He was 120 years old by then. It says that "his eye was not weakened, nor was his natural strength abated"-something like that in the King James Version. He was just going strong until his last day on the job. He just drops dead, and he doesn't make it into the Promised Land. And somebody else leads the Israelites -- Joshua, his lieutenant, leads the Israelites into the land of promise.

Now King took a part of that text where Moses talks about looking over and seeing the land of promise into which he will not enter. And then King begins to do in the sermon exactly what Moses did. He talks about the history, and he talks about the struggles and he talks about how he has every confidence that we as a people shall enter the Promised Land. But when he talks about the Promised Land and himself, he says, "I've seen the Promised Land. I've looked over, and I've seen it." Now this is the night before he's assassinated, and he's already taken on a biblical figure that he knows will not enter the Promised Land. And so people have always wondered, did he know? Did he know that that was his last moment? It's an eerie speech, and he had some insight that he wasn't going to make it. But that's the only time he ever identified with being Moses.

On Martin Luther King and Jesus:
King took a different line of interpretation about Jesus. He did identify readily with the figure of Jesus, but in his theology anybody who had the audacity to refer to herself or himself as a Christian had to take that weight. If you were going to call yourself a Christian, you had to identify with the life and the death of Jesus and all that entailed, including a commitment to justice and a commitment to suffering. He was very clear about that. He thought that these were the occupational hazards of being a Christian; he says if you weren't willing to deal with those, then you needed to get off the job and get another job.

Image of Dr. King On remembering and interpreting the legacy of Dr. King:
[There are] the representations of King with an angel behind him, King pictured with other great American martyrs, the Kennedys-that Holy Trinity of American martyrs in the decade of the 60s. I don't mean to say that there's anything wrong with that. King was a martyr, and he's certainly worthy of that honor, but what I would like to highlight is that we commemorate his death and we are saddened anew by his death, by the loss of his life, because of his life, because of the way he lived-what he said, what he did, what he wrote. Those things are of value also.

It's hard to keep the legacy alive, but not because of the passage of time. It's hard to keep that legacy alive because there are people who are as hostile to that legacy now as they were toward Dr. King himself and what he represented and what he advocated when he was alive. And those people are powerful now; they're even more powerful now than they were when Dr. King was alive. And they have an enormous amount of influence over what we see and what we hear. That's the greatest threat to the legacy-that Dr. King is reduced more and more with each passing year to a predictable number of sanitized sound bites, and the challenge that he leveled to this society, which is very fresh, which challenges us even now, is one that many people don't want to hear and don't want other people to hear.

Go to a bookstore and try to find "Stride toward Freedom," or what is an extraordinary revolutionary text, "Where Do We Go from Here: Chaos or Community?" It's even difficult to find those books. Who studies them? Who talks about them? Who looks back on that speech at Riverside Church? Who's willing to give us a national assessment, a kind of national report card on where we were then and where we are now? Are we making other people's nations battlegrounds over resources that we want? Yes. Are those challenges that Dr. King leveled, those accusations against our national conscience, are they still accusations that would obtain today? Yes, they are. Who's talking about those? Is that grist for the mill of a national conversation about who we are as a nation and what we are? Do we imagine ourselves as brokers for peace, or do we imagine ourselves as the new empire? And are we now trying to get used to that idea? Do we have people afoot trying to convince us now that an imperial presence in the world is something that is our responsibility as well as our right? This is something against which Dr. King stood in his life. We don't have to imagine or extrapolate that he was against this. It's very clear in his words. And it's also clear that he understood that the United States could cut another kind of figure in the world, could wield another kind of international influence. That alternative vision of what we are and what we could become is something that's becoming much more difficult to see and hear. But it's not because of the passage of time; it's because of the efforts of people.

[In Robert Rauschenberg's 1970 collage], Dr. King is pictured in his coffin, so one of the most memorable things about this collage of the 60s is his assassination. There are other people who are pictured here, two of whom were also assassinated -- John F. Kennedy in profile, and a three-quarter portion of a photograph inlaid as part of the collage of Robert Kennedy. Neither of them is in coffins, but King is in a coffin. And there's an image of one of the astronauts on the moon, soldiers presumably in Vietnam. This is all part of the maelstrom of images that we associate with the 60s. But the 60s are a very complex decade, and a decade is a very neat, almost too neat way of talking about a ten-year period. On either end of that decade, there are a number of important things to help us understand what happens in the middle. For this to be the summary of the decade, and for King's most memorable contribution King to be his martyrdom says a lot and leaves out a lot more.

Image of assination piece [Sue Coe's 1986 drawing] is an image of King as the preacher, with literally the light from above, his source of inspiration, and he's in his preacher's regalia; he's in his robes. And then there's a child, the little boy at the corner, who's the future. And he's looking up, but apparently he's not looking directly at King. He's looking up, he's looking at light, he's looking at the source of King's inspiration. What I take away from this piece is that the artist has an insight into King that's bigger than his person-that he was inspired, that he delivered a prophetic word, and that's what the regalia's about. He spoke as a preacher and his congregation was the conscience of the world, and those words, like all prophetic words, are a guide to the future. We look to the words; we look to that which guides us into the future and not to those who bear the words even though they're important as people. The prophet, of course, is important because of his message; the prophet is important because of what she has to say to us, and those words have to be carefully guarded precisely because that's the rudder for out "appointment with destiny," as King put it. Now, imagine what happens when the light goes out. The child is in darkness, so it's all the more important that that child hear those words. One of our challenges in our time, in our historical moment, is that there are children very much like this young child who's not hearing those words. There are children who are in the dark. It's because their parents are in the dark. It's because the people who have responsibility as the legatees of those words and the guardians of those words have not kept the light for them, have not kept the light shining.

Coal portrait of Dr. King [John Wilson's 1985 charcoal and pastel drawing portrays] King as a man, as a human being and as an American. It's a beautiful image of his face. It brings his face into focus, and of the many images I've seen of King, it most invokes him. It most resembles him; I think it's a rendering that's very close to what King actually looked like, and in that way it's very moving, it's very poignant, and of course it's bereft of any accoutrements that would draw attention to King in a particular role, especially as a preacher, which is a trick. The artist had to render King without any obvious clothing, because if he renders him the way King was normally dressed at any time in public life, he's a preacher.

When King led one very dangerous march, his lieutenants had already been tipped off that there would be an assassination attempt, so Andrew Young decided that he would get all the preachers to line up with King in the front. Young told all of them, "You're going to march in the front with Dr King," and of course they were just fit to be tied. So you have all these preachers jostling in the front of the line to march with King. Young did this because he knew all those guys were dressed the same way. They all dressed like King. This was regulation Baptists preacher attire: dark blue suit, white shirt, tie. And Young figured if there was an assassination attempt, the assassin might be confused, because as Young said, "as you know, we all look alike." If you render King with a shirt and tie, people who know how the culture works know he's still a preacher. Of course in the robes, he's a preacher. It's hard to see him, then, outside of his public roles, because his public roles were wrapped up so much, are so much a part of who and what he was.

This piece doesn't buy into that. It constrains us to see King as a man, with the burden of a nation at his back.

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