On just war:
It's very hard to see a war rise to the level of a just war these days -- very difficult. Here's the key: since America is afraid of body bags coming back to hometown USA, we increase the firepower. You increase the firepower, you definitely increase the chances of innocent people being killed. That has to come back to parity, and it's a hard parity for us to face. One of the propositions in just war is you'll only bring force to bear that is necessary to do the job. We ratchet up the force. Colin Powell came up with this idea in the last Gulf War -- all the massing of overwhelming force to bring the conflict to a conclusion quickly, and a lesson was learned. I worked in the Pentagon, and the Pentagon is full of very fine folks. There's nothing wrong with the Pentagon. But they learned a lesson: don't get too far ahead of public opinion. If you're going to be out there, make sure that you've got back-up. If you're going to bring war to a place, bring it quickly, supremely and with finality. That's what has goosed just war off the page. There's no just way to prosecute a war with that point of view.
When you are co-agents with others, the chances of lethal warfare are lowered but the intensity of the conflict is guaranteed. That's why it's so important to have French and German people behind this current move. The United Nations is no powerhouse here. It just happens to be the best worst-case scenario we have. The United Nations doesn't prosecute a war. They use all these agents. And the agents, because there's no central discriminating factor, gather around the United Nations, and perhaps just war is even more appropriate.On being a chaplain:
I don't think I'm that unique. There are a lot of veterans who have come to this level of [realization about combat], this level of "Ah-ha, that's what happened." They may not have had the occasions to develop it, but there's an awful lot of wisdom out there, an awful lot of wisdom among veterans.
I've had conversations on the berm in Kuwait, and also at the Demilitarized Zone [in Korea]. The DMZ is actually probably a more frightening place than the barbed wire that rings northwest Kuwait, because they have these ominous peek-a-boo postures with the guards along the DMZ. That corridor in the DMZ between North and South Korea is just a warren of odd trails and potential conflagrations and contacts.
I remember one [soldier] in Kuwait who said, "What do I do?" The chances of his being in a firefight were pretty slim. I mean, he was going to be in a support unit, but you never know. I said, "Look, you're here. You're part of a long tradition of doing what's right for your country and the world. Your country has always done the right thing, and you're part of that tradition, and it's a noble tradition. And I know that you will do the right thing. You will do the honorable thing." And that's what you say.
I removed one chaplain in Korea who started to pick apart American foreign policy. I thought that was very ill-timed and not the kind of thing we do. We even had priests here in New York City right after 9/11 blaming Americans for exporting consumerism and [saying] no wonder the world is this way and we deserve what we get. That's not the kind of thing we say.
On soldiers and chaplains:
Soldiers aren't supposed to be amazingly self-reflective about what they do. They're not supposed to be philosopher kings, drawing their hands across their chins, wondering whether they should shoot that opposing soldier or not. That's not what we're ministering to. We're ministering to people who are within this bubble. They've committed themselves to this enterprise and process. What I pray for is that we'll be around after the battle is over. It's easy to think about the stereotypical chaplain running up with a prayer book and Bible, talking to the young men before battle -- the nervousness with the perspiration on the trigger finger. Who cares about that? It's after he has committed what he's been trained for and has to do by his duty -- that's a stand-up time of integrity, it seems to me, on the part of a culture, on the part of a nation, on the part of the chaplains, and I don't think we've done that very well. That's the part that worries me, because this stuff is going to rumble around inside of him or her -- it has to.
On killing:
"When you revoke the charter for someone to exist on this earth," as Chris Hedges said in his New York Times piece about me (it's a very poetic way to put it, but a very powerful way to put it), something is rearranged inside of you. I've been getting a lot of lettersÑ "Oh, bishop, you should forgive yourself for standing up for your country and doing the right thing." A lot of groups have written to me saying, "You should know that murdering is different than killing in warfare. You're allowed to do that." My interior landscape tells me that God has a different kind of enduring wisdom.
On courage and forgiveness:
As a chaplain, I've seen people with enormous courage in hospitals facing their last days, the bad lab report. "Courage is fear that has said its prayers."
I don't think it's a question of forgiving myself. I think it's a question of what work is there to do. In the national headquarters of the church, forgiveness and redemption are words that we use a lot. I think that those postures can be easy. It's very easy to forgive yourself and then live a life that's completely disconnected to everything around you. Don't think you go through these powerfully traumatic experiences and then just live carefree and disconnected.
On torment:
It's not [that I am] tormented. I think it's more a question of being quickened... of finding yourself quickened, [of realizing] "that's what [war] was about." Is warfare to be avoided because of that? Is that right? What do you do about evil? What do you do about Hitler? What do you do about Rwanda? Ambiguities, oddities are going to be part of life. I think courage is different for me these days. It's standing in the midst of ambiguity (whether you're on your deathbed, or whether you're a 12-year-old kid in some nameless village in Africa, realizing that every adult in his family has died and he is the adult) and stepping forward into the next day with some sense of purpose. There's a purpose to reaching out for your brother or sister in their need. That's what was so powerful for me. I believe the Holy Spirit was with me [when I was working] on the streets of New York, searching the shadows for homeless people, not to kill them but to give them life... Believe me, I'm constantly surprised by all of this stuff. It certainly makes a lot of sense to me, and frankly that kind of making sense is a good thing.
On pacifism and facing evil:
People have said to me when I talk like this, "Oh, you're a pacifist." I say, "Absolutely not." I believe in noble service, standing up for what is right. My dad was a member of the citizens committee in Wantagh, New York. I grew up in this environment -- you did the right thing for your community. And I went to Vietnam under that flag, thinking those things. Nothing has disposed of that feeling. I think we are immature in our understanding of it.
What happened on 9/11 was a profoundly evil thing. Evaluating Islam on the basis of Al Qaeda is like evaluating Christianity on the basis of KKK. They're just evil, and that kind of stuff must be stopped. That's the ambiguity we're called into. You can't explain it away. You can't pretend it away. You can't "non-violent" it away. It has to be sought out and stopped. It must be sought out intelligently and resourcefully. But in some respects, our flag needs to be lowered a little bit, and we need to lock on with others in a confederation to apply ourselves to these things. There's no question that there is a need for the presence of the military in the world, as I understand it. I mean, until the Kingdom has come, the presence of the military in our lives is the best worst-case scenario. We just need to have them around. And thank God that they're here.
There's a peace movement in my church -- the Episcopal Peace Fellowship. I'm a member, but I disagree so supremely with what they say. They say serving in the military is a non-Christian thing to do. That is ludicrous. There has to be some place that says "no" to those things that will do us in. If the World War II generation didn't rise, and my dad didn't rise with all those others and stand up and be counted, where would we be today?
On war that is looming:
It's a very worrisome moment, in my opinion. If we become impatient with proof... it's a really tough thing, strategically. I know the military; I know what's going on. They want to finish this "exercise," euphemistically speaking, before it becomes summer in Southwest Asia. You want to prosecute a war in the summer, in June or July? You know what a nightmare that would be in the protective gear that you need against biological and nerve agents? This has got "bad news" written all over it... you've got some ambiguities here.
On the military:I've encouraged my middle daughter to join the military, but she decided she didn't want to. She went back to college. Service to our country is not a death sentence. It's just one of the offerings in life. It's an important part of the culture. You can't take your children and absent them from what life gives. That's what I worry about in Congress. I wonder how many of their children are of military age, or how many of them are in the military. I think Rep. Charles Rangel (D-NY) has got a point. Maybe we should democratize the military again. Maybe we should have a draft. [Then] somehow, I would imagine, the conversation would get very, very serious in the halls of Congress and not [be] theoretical.
On ambushing the enemy:
I gradually went down to my knees, thinking to myself that at this range, if I screw this up, we're all dead. We're dead. And so I put my finger in one ear, and I had to wait for them to pass in front of me. It was a full moon and the shadows were passing over my face, and I had to wait for the regiment to get in the middle of this field of fire, because we laid down these claymore [mines], and then I blew the ambush, and it was hell. It was just hell. The claymore created something like a football field, and arms, legs, just -- just chaos. And that moment, I thought to myself, "We survived." Lots of glory comes out of the fact that we have a big ambush, big body count. The criterion of success in Vietnam was a body count. What a desperately awful, inglorious way to think of warfare. I remember seeing Walter Cronkite at home, before I left for Vietnam; you'd get the report, and in this little encapsulation there would be a body count for that week -- how many have they lost, how many have we lost. This was all part of that Americana that's good for the globe, and here's proof positive. Look at the aggression, and we'll number them for you. I provided my commander and myself and others with verification of that. The body count was a really messy, messy thing, because the claymores cut you off at the knees, and there was lots of crawling into our perimeter.
Ambush was what we did at night. We did what we call search and destroy -- we'd move through a grid square. You tried to know those grid squares as well as you knew your own back yard. That's what we were doing. I was wounded by my own grenade.
On peace and patriotism:There were lots of peace signs on helmets in Vietnam. It was a very odd and ambiguous environment. A full colonel would come in and inspect everything, and as he's leaving, the platoon will be giving him peace signs. I don't know about that. I sense, as I travel around the country and around the world now, there's more patriotism in the right sense today. Patriotism is a very fragile commodity. It can be used as a way of unification, if the patriotism is the common good, and the common good, which is also elusive, is the right thing to do. But the fragility of patriotism today... I'm not sure, in this complicated system that we're in, that we have the luxury to push our patriotism too far forward on the world citizenry. Anything we do today needs to be steeped in a global cooperation. That's what's making this war so worrisome. I mean, we even have members of NATO worried about how we're proceeding.
On 9/11 and its aftermath:
In the days after 9/11, New York City was transformed. People were reaching out and relating to each other. You'd go down to Ground Zero, and you had to walk below Houston Street. They had secure perimeters that you had to go through. But on the backs of mail boxes: "We love you. Central School, Lubbock, Texas." The whole country was brought together in this moment of, "This has been done to us." We're unsure of things, and so we reach out to our brothers and sisters. The cell phone usage in the country went through the ceiling in those hours after 9/11, because when it all came down to basic need, we checked in with those whom we love. That bonding was shared throughout the world -- messages and letters and contacts of all kinds. There's a basic sense of "America, you've joined the world citizens." Oh, at what a price. And this vulnerability was the gift.
We don't like being in that vulnerable moment, so we look to our commander-in-chief, and he brings us back to some sense of control, and he gave us a State of the Union address, and an emergency address from the Oval Office, and he said, "This is the way we will go. This is the plan." Control was reasserted. I submit that when control is reasserted, it should be reasserted in a kind of a confederation of nations. No one benefits from a world chaos with revolutionaries here and there hijacking and disrupting things.


On the experience of warfare:
On the platoon and the Wall: