Visit Your Local PBS Station PBS Home PBS Home Programs A-Z TV Schedules Support PBS Shop PBS Search PBS
Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly -- An online companion to the weekly television news program
Keyword Search
Topic Index Stories by Week
Home
Current Stories

Cover
Feature
Profile
Web Exclusive

Headlines
Election Coverage
Special Issues
TV Schedule
Calendar
Newsletter
Subscribe or unsubscribe to the E-mail Newsletter, or edit your preferences.
The Series
About the Series
Funding
Biographies
Awards
Credits
For Teachers
Overview
Lesson Plan List
Tips
Teacher Resources
Resources
Viewer's Guides
Videotapes
Featured Sites
Feedback
Contact Us
Story Suggestions

NEWS:
Religion in the New Iraq
April 25, 2003    Episode no. 634
Read This Week's August 29, 2008
Go
BOB ABERNETHY, anchor: In Iraq this week, dramatic scenes of religious penance and fervor as Shiite Muslims displayed their power and prompted hard questions for the U.S.

The U.S. says it wants democracy in Iraq. But what if Muslim clerics -- and a majority of Iraqis -- were to prefer a strict Islamist theocracy? Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld warned this week, "That isn't going to happen."

Lucky Severson has our report on religion and politics in postwar Iraq.

LUCKY SEVERSON: It was a spectacle not seen in 25 years -- more than a million Shiite Muslims on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Karbala and the shrine honoring the prophet Muhammad's grandson, Hussein bin Ali. Some walked barefoot 60 miles to get here and then they performed the ritual of flagellation and self-mutilation as part of their religious observance. During the oppressive regime of Saddam Hussein, himself a Sunni Muslim, such a pilgrimage was forbidden and dangerous for those who tried it.

Judith Yaphe is with the National Defense University in Washington.

Photo of Judith Yaphe Professor JUDITH YAPHE (National Defense University): Anyone who tried to do the march to Karbala or participate in these kinds of ceremonies would have been arrested, interrogated, tortured, perhaps might have disappeared.

SEVERSON: But the good news for Iraq's Shiite Muslims may turn out to be bad news for the Bush administration. The Pentagon had counted on Iraq remaining a secular state, and on the support of the country's Shiites because they were often the target of Saddam's brutality.

So it was not a pleasant surprise when thousands of Shiites chanted anti-American slogans, some calling for an Islamic state.

Photo of Shaul Bakhash Professor SHAUL BAKHASH (George Mason University): I think the speed with which the clergy were able to organize these huge demonstrations was surprising.

SEVERSON: Shaul Bakhash is a history professor at George Mason University in Virginia.

Prof. BAKHASH: The assumption was after two decades of Saddam Hussein's oppression, even their organization and network had been undermined and weakened.

SEVERSON: And it's not only the Shiites, who make up 60 percent of Iraq's population of 23 million. The Sunni Muslims have shared protests with Shiites and organized their own anti-American demonstrations.

Prof. YAPHE: There has also been a call, I understand, in some of the Sunni mosques, also saying, "We want to live in an Islamic state and the occupiers must leave."

Photo of Iraqi protestor SEVERSON: Things began to go wrong almost immediately when a cleric favored by the U.S. was stabbed to death at a shrine in Najaf a few weeks ago. And now there is widespread skepticism that the Pentagon's original choice to lead the interim government, Ahmed Chalabi, will ever be accepted, because he hasn't lived in Iraq in 45 years, and because he was hand-picked by the Pentagon.

Prof. BAKHASH: The U.S. does have clout at the moment. They have a large military presence in Iraq. But again, the ability of those that don't want to see an American presence to be spoilers in these plans is quite considerable.

Continue to top of next colum
Tools:
E-Mail this article
Resources
SEVERSON: When the man chosen by the administration to run Iraq's interim government, retired Lieutenant General Jay Garner, convened a meeting with Iraqi religious and secular leaders, many of the religious leaders stayed away. One who boycotted was Muhamandad Bakir Hakim, leader of one of the Shiites' most important groups, the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq.

Prof. YAPHE: There is a lot of violence inherent in these forms of religious politics.

SEVERSON: Does that portend the possibility of violence among these factions?

Prof. YAPHE: Yes, it could. It could.

Photo of President Bush President GEORGE W. BUSH: I'm not worried. Freedom is beautiful, and when people are free, they express their opinions. And, you know, they couldn't express their opinions before we came.

SEVERSON: The president may not be worried, yet, but what if Iraq were to become an Islamic state, say like Iran, where foreign influence is banned, women are treated less than equally, terrorism is state-sponsored, and the U.S. is hated.? Would Iraq still qualify as a democracy where people live free?

Photo of Muhammad Bakir Prof. YAPHE: Iran is a form of democracy, but of course it has these unelected leaders.

Prof. BAKHASH: They are the democratic experiment; if not failed, it has certainly run into a lot of trouble.

SEVERSON: It was concern about what happened in Iran that prompted the U.S. to side with Iran's mortal enemy, Saddam Hussein. That was after the shah's secular government was deposed and replaced by the Ayatollah Khomeini's radical Islamic fundamentalist government in 1979.

Now the U.S. is accusing Iran of sending "agents" into Iraq to somehow increase the power of the Shiites in the new government.

Photo of pilgrimage Prof. YAPHE: There are Sunnis who would like to live under Islamic rule, an Islamic state. There are certainly many Shia who would. How many, nobody knows.

Prof. BAKHASH: The events of the last few days have shown that the Shiite clerics do have clout and organizing ability, and they are demanding a large share of power of Iraq in this post-Saddam period.

SEVERSON: The ultimate dilemma for the U.S. would be if Iraqis were to vote for an Islamic state.

Prof. YAPHE: If we say that we support democracy and the rule of law and this is what the majority of people choose, then for us to say, "Well, they chose it but we don't like it so we are going to go in and change it again" -- I don't think that would be a democratic thing to do.

SEVERSON: So the U.S. finds itself in an awkward spot. If it really wants a democracy, how hard can it push against religious clerics who would like to have at least a major role in the new government? And if it doesn't push, what then? For RELIGION & ETHICS NEWSWEEKLY, I'm Lucky Severson.

ABERNETHY: What role Muslim clerics will have in a new Iraqi government remains to be seen. Shiite leaders are reported divided over whether there should be a secular or a religious state.

Did you like this story? How can we improve our program or Web site?
Resources






TOP