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EXCERPTS:
Research by Susan Bales on First Communion
May 16, 2003 Episode no. 638
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Religious studies scholar Susan Bales writes about children's religious experiences. Read excerpts from her recent research at two Southern Catholic churches on children's interpretations of First Communion:

The boys in their white shirts and red ties and the girls in their white Communion dresses watched intently as Father Barry lifted the Host before the congregation. The rustle of lace attracted my attention, and I turned to see Maureen, an Anglo girl with short brown hair pulled back by a white headband, scooting to the edge of her pew as she sucked on her thumb. Since she sat in the first pew, Maureen would be the first one to receive the sacrament. She looked over to her mother and godparents for reassurance as the priest offered Communion to the two altar girls who stood on either side of him. The choir began to hum a gospel hymn and a ripple of energy moved through the church. The 1997 First Communion class at Holy Cross Catholic Church in Durham, North Carolina was about to receive the Eucharist.
Maureen's godfather put his hand on her shoulder, signaling to her that the time had finally arrived. After she had watched the congregation receive Communion countless times in the last seven years, Maureen's turn had come at last. She slowly rose to her feet, holding her palms together in front of the white sash that defined her waist.
With her godfather's hand on her shoulder, Maureen walked anxiously toward the priest, whose white vestments had replaced the green of ordinary worship time. "The body of Christ," he said, as he placed the consecrated Host in her hand. She put it into her mouth and then slowly walked to the director of religious education, who held the chalice full of wine.
Maureen sipped the wine. She made the sign of the cross and returned to her pew, where she knelt and said her prayer of thanksgiving, as Father Barry held aloft the consecrated bread that Maureen's classmate Matt, a Filipino boy with short black hair, had also waited so long to taste. With each step down the aisle, Matt's excitement (and self-consciousness) seemed to increase, for he knew that everyone was watching only him. With wide eyes and an anxious smile, he walked stiffly to the priest. His shoulders relaxed and his smile broadened as Father Barry placed the Host in his hands.
* * *
One Sunday I joined a children's prayer circle at Blessed Sacrament Catholic Church in Burlington, North Carolina. Ms. Fabuel, the lead catechist, moved into the center of the circle and asked the children to raise their right hands. Once they differentiated their right from their left -- not always easy at seven -- she offered the class a baseball mnemonic to remember how to make the sign of the cross. "Home plate," Ms. Fabuel said as she touched her head. "Pitcher's mound," she continued, moving her hand to the center of her chest. "Third base," she said as she moved her hand over to her left shoulder, and finally, "First base," as she touched her right shoulder.
Even with this helpful model, many children remained confused. During the opening or closing prayer, or when they practiced receiving the Host, various teachers and assistants had to take the children's hands to guide them. At Holy Cross, too, the children practiced making the sign of the cross every Sunday in class, so that it might come as naturally to them as nodding their heads to indicate yes.
Learning how and when to cross themselves was not the only thing the children had to master. They also had to learn how to hold their hands when they received the Eucharist -- left hand held out flat in front of them and right hand placed on top to "make a throne for Jesus," as Father Barry called it. Then they had to remember to genuflect -- right knee, not left, touching the ground -- when entering the pews.
Father Barry turned learning to genuflect into a game of Simon Says. He called the children to the front of the church and showed them how to genuflect before entering the pew. They huddled around him, slowly touching their right knee to the carpet, mimicking the priest's actions. Once everyone had practiced, Father Barry said, "Simon says genuflect." Fifteen heads of the first communicants who came to class that Sunday went up and down as they knelt and stood again and again in response to the directions.
While their classes covered the meaning of the Eucharist, the Ten Commandments, and God's love, the children and their teachers spent much time and energy trying to perfect these movements. To help them learn the gestures, the teachers also suggested that the parents work with them during Mass and at home. Holy Cross even included in its First Communion handbook a short tutorial on genuflecting and its meaning to assist parents who might have been away from the Church for some time. Practice, it seemed, was essential. By having the children rehearse at home, in the Mass, and during faith formation classes, many adults hoped that these Catholic gestures would become ingrained, forever linking the children to their Church. The teachers and parents hoped that crossing themselves would become a habit each time the children prayed, just as they would naturally drop to their knee before entering a pew.
Turning gestures into habits, as social and political scientist Paul Connerton has written in HOW SOCIETIES REMEMBER (Cambridge University Press, 1989), has great power: "Habit is a knowledge and a remembering in the hands and in the body; and in the cultivation of a habit it is our body which understands." From the children's perspective, they were not cultivating a habit that would inscribe the markings of Catholicism onto their bodies and memories. Rather, they were learning the gestures of membership in their parish's adult community. These gestures differentiated them from the parish's "children," who still ran carelessly into the pews and went to Communion with their hands crossed over their chest to receive only the sign of the cross on their forehead as a blessing.
The children evidenced their focus on the embodied gestures of the Church's rites through their concern with performing these new movements correctly, which they believed would solidify their new identity within their parish community. They expressed this link between performing the gestures and being viewed as autonomous members of the parish through the intensity with which they practiced and their concern to get it right in front of the congregation. As Maureen, the eight-year-old Anglo girl from Holy Cross, explained after she received her First Communion, "You have to put your hands in a certain shape."
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As they learned how to genuflect and which shoulder to touch first when making the sign of the cross, the children seemed to be aware that their identity within the parish was changing, a shift that, for them, had no connection to doctrinal subtleties about their relationship to the Body of Christ. Maureen believed that being seen by grown-ups as having a right to sit in the pews, to listen like the adults, and to perform adult tasks (such as collecting the offering) would occur only when she could shift the placement of her arms during the Eucharist from crossed over her chest in preparation for a blessing to outstretched -- right hand over left -- to receive the sacrament. As religious studies professor Ruel Tyson has written, "Members live their religion by doing it, acting its rites, restating its memories ... thus gaining an identity and a world to live in."
* * *
At Blessed Sacrament, Molly, a seven-year-old Anglo girl, was rehearsing the sign of the cross again and again. Reinforcing her impulse to practice, one of the assistant catechists walked down the line checking to make sure that all the children knew how to hold their hands when they received the Eucharist. This last check resulted in all but the most resistant children practicing different gestures. Some began trying to coordinate their genuflecting with crossing themselves, while others worked on mastering the many different hand positions, from the palms-together stance of the opening procession to the hand signs that would be used in the closing song. Soon the moment would arrive when they would be able to demonstrate their ability to perform these actions just like the adults did each weekend at Mass. The religion teacher from Blessed Sacrament school repeated, "It's a prayer, not a performance," like a meditative mantra to calm both the kids and the catechists as they made last-minute adjustments. But no one was convinced. Even with this effort to slow racing hearts and lower rising blood pressures, the communicants thought that a mistake would not only be embarrassing but might also prove in some way that that they were still "children."

Within moments, however, they would be receiving what they had coveted as they watched from the pews during Mass. Finally, they would come to know the greatest ecclesiastical secret: the taste of consecrated bread and wine. Receiving this sacrament was the ultimate moment of visibility. They sensed the congregation watching them as they placed the Host in their mouths, just as the parents and teachers craned their necks to get a clear view of the children. The catechists and parents hoped that the communicants would remember what they had been taught -- to take the Host with their right hand, to be careful with the chalice, to say "Amen," and to cross themselves. The adults waited to see the instant when the children would be united with Christ. For them, the children would become part of the Body of Christ. Having ingested the bread, they would become part of the one body with all those who had received the sacrament before them.
The means of understanding this union came in large part through taste. They tasted what all those older parishioners tasted each Sunday. And in that sensuous experience they finally distinguished themselves from the parish's "children."
Taste was at the center of the children's expectations, anxieties, and interpretations of the event. Ryan, one of the children at Holy Cross, said it most succinctly when he explained that First Communion was "about tasting and learning about Jesus and when He's suffering." The children connected eating this sacred food with learning about Jesus, thanking Him for his sacrifice, acting like full-fledged Church members, and experiencing what their fellow parishioners did each Sunday.
For Paris, an eight-year-old African-American girl at Holy Cross, Communion was important because "we got to taste the body and blood." Most of the children really wanted to eat the bread. They were not so sure, however, about the wine. During Holy Cross's final faith formation class, the week after First Communion, the children sat around the statue of Mary in a gazebo behind the church, talking loudly and emphatically about how much they hated the wine and the picture-taking.
For the children, an intellectual grasp of the Eucharist seemed far less important than what they learned through their senses. While the adults, whose memories of their own initiation had faded, focused on Church doctrine and abstract concepts, the children, who were experiencing the sacrament through taste, touch, and sight, talked much more of its sensuous and concrete aspects. It was this knowledge through the senses that the communicants had desired for so long, and it was their lack of it -- as well as their inability to perform the ritual gestures and understand the Church symbols -- that kept them from feeling like true members of their parish. Only as the children took the Host from their left hands, placed it on their tongues, and tasted it for the first time did they see themselves as truly belonging to their parish.
Although the children in each parish emphasized different aspects of what it meant to be seen as autonomous members of their parish, they all expressed feelings of inclusion. With a big smile on her face, Maureen explained that at First Communion, "You get to eat a little bit from the Last Supper from Jesus, and Jesus is happy for you. Then you get blessed from God and from Jesus and from the priest and all the people in the church, even if you don't know their names. That's the best part."
Most of the children would not appreciate this aspect of First Communion until after the ritual. Even for Maureen, this link would become clearer after she received the Eucharist. Through the intensity of their practicing, their detailed conversation about ritual gestures, and their anxiety about the public performance, the children seemed to convey a connection between performing these gestures and achieving autonomous status in the community. All of them expressed a sense of belonging, purpose, and importance that many of them had not felt before. All of them could not wait to "get Jesus."
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Related Story from R & E:
Read the Belief & Practice story on First Communion.
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