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COMMENTARY:
What Role for Religion in Postwar Iraq?
July 4, 2003    Episode no. 644
Read This Week's November 7, 2008
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What Role for Religion in Postwar Iraq?
by Shaun Casey

The speed and power of postwar Shiite public demonstrations in Iraq this past spring clearly caught the U.S. government off guard, and it becomes clear with each passing week that the U.S. military, unfortunately, is ill prepared to deal with religious pluralism in Iraq.

Photo of Shaun Casey The visceral response by groups that were excluded from the April 15 meeting of various religious and ethnic leaders in Ur highlighted the scope of the problem. If the U.S. government is to have any success in nurturing the emergence of a vibrant civil society in Iraq as a precursor to some form of democracy, it will have to address this lack of capacity quickly. Yet admissions of weakness do not seem to be in the diplomatic portfolio of the Bush administration.

This oversight is tragic, and it was preventable. There are resources both within the government and in the wider world to help create and sustain complex grassroots interfaith dialogues. For the moment it seems that as long as Iraq's redevelopment is primarily in the hands of the military, no such resources will be made available.

Who exactly has the skills to nurture the beginnings of a civil society that would allow the various religious and ethnic groups to interact in a nonviolent and constructive fashion, and how would we get them set up in Iraq? There are scores of experienced scholars and practitioners in religiously based conflict mediation and peacemaking. So far, they apparently are not welcome in the postwar Iraq reconstruction.

In early April, without any media fanfare, the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) named a director for faith-based initiatives. This is one locus for offering grants to experienced interfaith agents to begin grassroots conversations among the various religious and ethnic groups in Iraq. Similarly, the United States Institute for Peace has a successful track record in funding local programs that promote religion and peacemaking.

In order for true civil society to emerge, local leaders need to engage one another, in addition to gatherings of elites. The tough question in Iraq is whether or not these diverse groups can find a way of living together that does not lead to the violent exclusion of all religious and political alternatives save one. The birth and sustenance of such a civil society is by no means guaranteed. But it seems likely that without a significant investment of resources by our government, its chances are nil.

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The lack of interest so far from the Bush administration in addressing the fundamental questions posed by Iraq's religious diversity is puzzling, given the apparent centrality of religion in this White House. The president did a commendable job praising Islam and toning down the initial crusade rhetoric after September 11. Where is the action that should be flowing now out of that rhetoric? It may simply be that the overt piety is window dressing for a few prized religious constituencies here at home and is not to be applied to international relations. It may also be the case that sponsoring pluralistic interfaith conversations in Iraq among Shiites, Sunnis, Kurds, and Christians will not play well to the conservative Christian base of the Republican Party, whose answer to Iraq is to send in evangelist Franklin Graham. Or it may simply be that the president and his advisers assumed that the opportunity to pursue democracy would trump religion and ethnicity in Iraq and make them go away.

Whatever the cause of this neglect, there is little time to rectify the mistake. There should have been advance planning long ago to begin to address the role of religion in the aftermath of the war. The seeds of the collapse of the efforts to build a fledgling democracy may have already sprouted in Iraq. It is certainly conceivable that Shiite political parties might dominate any electoral process down the road and dissolve the democracy upon achieving power. Will the United States then be prepared to void such an election from the ironic motive of preserving democracy?

Religion is a multivalent force in global politics today. It can sustain ancient hatreds and rivalries, and it can also produce reconciliation and tolerance. The role of religion in postwar Iraq is not yet clear. What is clear is that our government ignores it at everyone's peril. There is no guarantee that nurturing interfaith grassroots dialogue will secure the peace in Iraq. But denying religion's potency is folly.

Shaun Casey teaches Christian ethics at Wesley Theological Seminary in Washington, D.C. Did you like this story? How can we improve our program or Web site?
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