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WEB EXCLUSIVE:
Religion, Ethics, and the Clash of Civilizations
January 16, 2004    Episode no. 720
Read This Week's November 7, 2008
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What do ethicists have to say about the clash of civilizations? Read a report by Bob Smietana from a recent meeting of the Society of Christian Ethics.

Photo of THE CLASH OF CIVILIZATIONS AND THE REMAKING OF WORLD ORDER In Harvard political scientist Samuel Huntington's vision of the future, world conflict will be shaped not by economics or ideologies, as was the case during the Cold War, but by violent confrontation between civilizations with differing religions and cultures. In his 1993 FOREIGN AFFAIRS essay, "The Clash of Civilizations?," and in a 1996 book, Huntington has argued that "fault-line wars" between civilizations could tear nations apart and eventually lead to a global war of "the West versus the rest."

"In class and ideological conflicts, the key question was 'Which side are you on?' and people could and did choose sides and change sides," Huntington has written. "In conflicts between civilizations, the question is 'What are you?' That is a given that cannot be changed. And as we know, from Bosnia to the Caucasus to the Sudan, the wrong answer to that question can mean a bullet in the head. Even more than ethnicity, religion discriminates sharply and exclusively among people. A person can be half French and half Arab and simultaneously even a citizen of two countries. It is more difficult to be half Catholic and half Muslim."

Shaun Casey, assistant professor of Christian ethics at Wesley Theological Seminary in Washington, DC, says that while Huntington's clash of civilizations has been vigorously debated for a decade by foreign policy analysts and other scholars, it has been ignored for the most part by ethicists. Casey organized a discussion of Huntington's views during a recent meeting of the Society of Christian Ethics, held in Chicago from January 8 to 11.

Max L. Stackhouse, a professor of ethics at Princeton Theological Seminary, says Huntington's thesis was dismissed by foreign policy experts at first. "The notion was ridiculed in the five years prior to 9/11," says Stackhouse. But now Huntington is regarded by some around Washington as "prophetic."

Stackhouse praises Huntington for emphasizing the essential role that religion plays in the world -- something Casey says policy makers often ignore. "Policy people by training are reluctant to address religion," according to Casey, "but you can't pick up any major U.S. newspaper without confronting the profound role religion plays in shaping world conflicts."

But both Casey and Stackhouse believe Huntington overlooks the positive role religion can play in solving conflicts. "Huntington is right," Casey acknowledges. "You ignore religion at your peril in international relations. But he doesn't show religion as a force for peace."

David Little, an ethics professor at Harvard Divinity School, recently taught a Harvard course on religion and global politics with Huntington and Jessica Stern, lecturer in public policy at the Kennedy School of Government and the author of TERROR IN THE NAME OF GOD. Little says that while the terrorist attacks of September 11 seem to support Huntington's theory, there have been signs since then that escalating clashes of civilizations can be avoided.

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"There have been some reactions to the rise of religious terrorism that in fact appear to be acting to overcome differences," says Little. He pointed to the 2002 peace deal in Sri Lanka among Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim groups; the recent resumption of peace talks between India and Pakistan over Kashmir; and Libya's decision to renounce terrorism.

Instead of looking for a grand-scale clash of civilizations, says Little, ethicists and policy makers should address cultural and religious conflict on the national and local level, "making real peace on the ground."

The 20-year-old civil war in Sudan, for example, "is not some kind of bad-Muslims-against-good-Christians war," according to David Hollenbach, S.J., professor of social ethics at Boston College. Oversimplifying the conflict as a clash of civilizations would mask the other major factors driving the Sudan war, such as race, economics, water supplies, and oil reserves, he says.

The U.S. has offered "very, very large amounts of aid and development money" as an incentive for reaching a peace agreement, says Hollenbach. But he worries that once a deal is signed, Sudan will no longer be a priority because experts will presume that the civilization clash is over, leaving all the other underlying factors in place and risking a return to war "with even deadlier consequences."

While 20th-century Christian ethicists and theologians such as Reinhold Niebuhr once worked extensively on how the world's nations should relate to one another, Casey thinks ethicists have neglected this area in recent years. He says he hopes they "regain their voice" in the arena of international relations.

"Huntington thinks that the West shouldn't inflict its values on the rest of the world -- that its rules for fighting wars and its human rights regime are counterproductive," Casey observes. "He seems to say that the West should not get involved and should just take care of the West. I want to think that ethicists can help sort out the messier conflicts around the world and locate what justice might dictate. They can push for human rights and work for the restraint of weapons of mass destruction, and they can help evaluate the uses of force. Huntington is more reticent. He is skeptical of all three."

Ethicists along with religious leaders and others can offer an alternative to the clash of civilizations as a way of solving conflicts, Casey suggests. Otherwise, he says, "the alternative seems to be America organizing the world at the end of a gun."

Bob Smietana is features editor of THE CONVENANT COMPANION and a freelance religion writer based in Chicago.

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