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COVER STORY:
Saddam Trial
February 13, 2004    Episode no. 724
Read This Week's October 3, 2008
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BOB ABERNETHY, anchor: We have a special report this week on justice for Saddam Hussein. He is in U.S. military custody, and it's not clear when, where, how, or by whom he will be tried. But someday a trial probably will come, and -- as Tim O'Brien reports -- that prospect raises hard questions.

TIM O'BRIEN: The dramatic arrest of Saddam Hussein last December ...

L. PAUL BREMER (U.S. Civilian Administrator of Iraq): Ladies and gentlemen: we got him.

O'BRIEN: But "getting" Saddam is raising thorny questions. Like: What now? What do we do with him?

Photo of mass grave He could become the worst mass murderer ever to be brought to trial. Hitler, Stalin, Mao, Pol Pot, Idi Amin -- they all died without ever being brought to justice.

Only Slobodan Milosevic, in The Hague, is experiencing what many want for Saddam.

But what is "justice" in a case like this?

Dr. GARY BASS (Princeton University): It can't be a normal definition of justice. When we think about justice in the -- normally, in the domestic criminal system we think about assault, aggravated assault, assault with intent. But all of those categories basically explode when you're talking about somebody who's responsible for atrocities on the scale of a Saddam.

O'BRIEN: Does that automatically mean the execution of the Iraqi dictator?

Donald Shriver, former President of Union Theological Seminary, opposes the death penalty -- even for Saddam.

Photo of Donald Shriver DONALD SHRIVER (Author, AN ETHIC FOR ENEMIES): Taking evil seriously means you punish the evildoer. The big question is, do you treat the evildoer with the same evil in return?

O'BRIEN: How would Iraqis view any punishment less than death?

Cherif Boussiani is President of the Human Rights Law Institute at DePaul University in Chicago.

CHERIF BOUSSIANI (President, Human Rights Law Institute, DePaul University, Chicago): In that society, without the death penalty, the people will not feel there is a closure. The symbolism of the death penalty there is that it brings to closure within that society that terrible experience that they have gone through.

O'BRIEN: Ayad Saidi wants death for Saddam. He fled to the United States more than 10 years ago, leaving behind his mother, sisters, and brother.

Photo of AYAD SAIDI AYAD SAIDI: We have a food in Iraq, a special dish they call kabob, which is grinded meat. Saddam should be grinded, and people will taste his meat, and then bring him alive again, and grind him again, for many many times to feel the pain.

O'BRIEN: Some people, not necessarily Iraqis, do not want the death penalty for Saddam. Like members of the European Union -- which includes Great Britain, America's chief ally in the war.

Again, Donald Shriver.

Mr. SHRIVER: My opposition to the death penalty, which I share with South Africa and the European Union, really has to do with a society's need to curtail revenge. Revenge is like a virus. It spreads.

O'BRIEN: The venue of any trial could be a factor. No international tribunal -- like the one now trying Slobodan Milosevic -- would impose the death penalty. The most likely venue is in Iraq itself.

President GEORGE W. BUSH: The Iraqis need to be very much involved. They were the people that were brutalized by this man.

O'BRIEN: But as of now, Iraq may lack experienced judges, investigators, and prosecutors. Some have suggested that international jurists at least assist. There is wide agreement that any trial not only be fair, but that it be seen as fair.

Prof. BOUSSIANI: It will send the first message in the history of the Arab world that dictators and tyrants in the Arab world who abuse their people will not be able to get away with it. And it's not going to be at the hands of an international tribunal or a western power. The people themselves will be empowered to bring those tyrants to justice.

Photo of Iraq Governing Council O'BRIEN: Professor Boussiani is currently in Iraq consulting with Iraqi jurists and the country's Governing Council. He says putting Saddam on trial serves many purposes beyond retribution and deterrence.

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Prof. BOUSSIANI: The trial of Saddam and his major cronies in the regime have a great importance for rebuilding a rule of law in Iraq, for showing the people in Iraq that the rule of law can work.

O'BRIEN: The trial could document the record of the Hussein regime for all Iraqis -- and the world -- to see.

Photo of CHERIF BOUSSIANI Prof. BOUSSIANI: If you really want the world's sympathy and you want the high moral ground for regime change in Iraq, you've got to show how terrible the regime was.

O'BRIEN: A trial exposing the enormity of Saddam's crimes could also serve the political interests of the Bush administration. If the elusive weapons of mass destruction can't justify the U.S. invasion of Iraq, perhaps removing a tyrant can.

Prof. BOUSSIANI: Now the administration goes into Iraq on the WMDs -- doesn't discover any. Suddenly, the only thing left is justice.

O'BRIEN: To defend himself, Saddam may claim that he acted as a head of state in the interests of his nation, and that therefore he cannot be held to the same standards as others.

And though it may seem unlikely, what if Saddam were to admit his crimes -- and ask for forgiveness?

(To Mr. Shriver): What forgiveness would you show?

Mr. SHRIVER: The forgiveness I'd show him would be a certain forbearance from murdering him.

O'BRIEN: And there are risks in a trial. For example, some believe the Milosevic trial has degenerated into a farce, with the former Yugoslav president cross-examining and attacking his accusers, using the trial to defend his policies and rally his supporters.

Similarly, a protracted, televised trial for Saddam, while highlighting the rule of law, could also provide him a huge international platform.

Photo of GARY BASS Dr. BASS: When Saddam goes up there, I can't imagine he's going to do us any favors. He's going to be sort of like Goering at Nuremberg; he's going to sort of rail against American imperialism, he's going to make appeal to the wider Arab world, he's going to present himself as the defender of Iraq -- and Islam -- against a new American colonialism.

O'BRIEN: Ironically, some of Saddam's worst crimes may have been committed when he was, at least in some respects, an ally of the United States -- such as during Iraq's war against Iran.

Dr. BASS: He'll say, "How can I be such a bad guy if in 1988 the United States was supporting me?" A true accounting would be extraordinarily embarrassing for the United States.

O'BRIEN: And for the Iraqi people, their sense of justice may go beyond just blaming Saddam.

Prof. BOUSSIANI: They are going to want to see the West blamed for what they did. They are going to want to say, "For 30 years we had to suffer this tyrant. And you in the West didn't utter a word and accepted that because he was selling you oil. And you are complicit. You have a moral responsibility."

O'BRIEN: Boussiani led the UN effort to collect evidence against Slobodan Milosevic. He fears that the chaos that followed the overthrow of Saddam could actually undermine the case against him.

Photo of Iraqi woman Prof. BOUSSIANI: Remember that when Baghdad was seized and the looting took place, the looting meant that all of the documents in the ministries were looted or burned. We've lost much of that evidence. Many of the mass graves were opened and the remains taken. We've lost that evidence. Who is collecting the evidence? Nobody is.

If the situation remains as it is, it's going to be a bungled deal. And you know something, for certain politicians, including [in] the United States, it may not be that bad -- because a botched-up trial of Saddam which ends fast with his execution prevents the discussion of the issues of complicity.

O'BRIEN: Capturing Saddam may have been difficult enough. Achieving justice may prove to be much more difficult, understanding that for some, no amount of retribution, no amount of deterrence, no amount of justice, will ever be enough.

For RELIGION & ETHICS NEWSWEEKLY, I'm Tim O'Brien in Washington, DC.

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