Read the comments of Anna Greenberg, vice president of Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research Inc. at the April 13, 2004 Religion & Ethics NewsWeekly press briefing in Washington, D.C. to announce the results of a new national survey on America's evangelicals:
It's almost hard to know where to start in talking about this study, because there's so much in it. It is such an in-depth look at how evangelicals live. But we made a very deliberate decision to look at how evangelicals live in contrast or in comparison with everybody else because it's impossible to say [that there is] something distinctive about evangelicals in America without knowing how they live compared to other Americans. And how do we challenge some of the stereotypes that people [have] about evangelicals without understanding where they actually are quite similar to other people? Where are the stereotypes or the assumptions that we make about Evangelicals confirmed? We did this quite deliberately and so the study is actually quite large. Overall, the sample is about 1,600. But we have an over-sample of African-Americans, an over-sample of Hispanics, and an over-sample of white evangelical Protestants so that we had a big enough sample size to really look at this in-depth and actually look at some of the differences among white evangelical Protestants as well. It's a very rich study and, as I said, it's almost hard to know where to start.
In no particular order, what is surprising? And, in no particular order, what kind of assumptions have we made [and] are they confirmed? Let me start by saying in some ways what is surprising. I think -- and Bob [Abernethy] made this point at the very beginning of his comments -- the question are Evangelicals "mainstream" (and that word itself is loaded and normative and I almost hate to say it) -- but do they see themselves as mainstream and are they mainstream, and I was surprised actually at the percentage of evangelicals who said, "yes, actually I feel like I'm part of the mainstream." And when you dig down into the numbers, you actually can see why they said that. Let's take, for example, where they live. They are slightly more likely to be found in the South, but not that much more -- about five percentage points more likely to be in the South. But otherwise, [they are] distributed across the country the way the rest of the American population is. They are slightly more likely to be found in rural areas and small towns, but not overwhelmingly so. And there are large numbers in the suburbs and large numbers in the cities. And of course that is especially if you look at African-American evangelicals. They are slightly less likely to have a college education, but not overwhelmingly so. About 40% have a college education. This is a group that is integrated professionally and educationally into mainstream America. It is not particularly different.
The one place where evangelicals are slightly different is they are slightly older. That was actually very interesting to me, and some of the more interesting differences among evangelicals are the age differences because, like everybody, younger evangelicals are less religious than older evangelicals, which I just thought was incredibly interesting. But they are slightly older, and I'm not exactly sure how to account for that, but it has an impact, particularly on the kinds of issues they're worried about. Looking at demographics, evangelicals are just not that different from the rest of America.
Looking at what they worry about, what they care about, we asked people in a sort of open-ended context, what are the concerns that you have? What are you worried about? And we have a range of different issues, from the economy to terrorism to moral values to security to the situation in Iraq. And not surprisingly, the top issue for evangelicals is moral values. But what's interesting to me is that this is not dominant. If you look at all evangelicals, 34% say their number one concern is moral values. 27% are worried about the economy and jobs, 23% are worried about fighting terrorism, 14% are worried about education. This issue is not dominant in the way we might assume that it is. And when you dig down deep into the evangelical population, you see all the kinds of differences that emerge among Americans in general here as well. If you look at age differences, you'll find that among younger evangelicals, education as an issue is almost as important to them as the state of moral values, which is true of the population at large. If you look at older women, who are among the most religious if not the most religious in the evangelical population, retirement is as important an issue to them as moral values. I'm not suggesting that for this group moral values [don't] play a special role. But to suggest that it's the only thing they care about would be wrong. And, in fact, when we go through a list of things that you might worry about -- and the list ranges from the values your kids are learning to the loss of jobs to China -- we find that while evangelicals are more likely to worry about the values their kids are learning [and] they're more worried about the state of marriage, they're almost as likely as other Americans to worry about economic issues and worry about job outsourcing and the deficit and the long-term solvency of Social Security. They have the same kinds of economic concerns that other Americans have, and arguably, they are slightly more downscale than other Americans, and so in some sense, these concerns are more intense. And when you look at lower-income evangelicals and evangelicals with lower levels of education, a lot of these economic issues are as equally important to them as these kinds of moral issues. I think it is important to mention this because their concerns are multidimensional. They are not one-dimensional.




