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WEB EXCLUSIVE:
Defining the Ethics of Exit in Iraq
April 15, 2005    Episode no. 833
Read This Week's November 7, 2008
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Defining the Ethics of Exit in Iraq
by Benedicta Cipolla

For centuries, theologians, heads of state, and military strategists have sought to define rules governing entrance into war and just conduct during actual hostilities. But as violence and instability in Iraq extend to a third year and tensions persist among political groups despite elections and an emerging representative government, a debate about the need for clear ethical criteria in the postwar period is gaining new urgency among ethicists and religious thinkers.

Photo of  U.S. soldier and wreckage in Iraq The specter of the war itself and the shifting reasons for entering into it still hover over American postwar responsibilities, and questions about eventual withdrawal loom. "We have a moral obligation to assist the Iraqi people in their efforts to build a better future," said the Reverend Kenneth Himes, chair of the theology department at Boston College, at a recent Fordham University conference, "The Ethics of Exit: The Morality of Withdrawal from Iraq."

"It is a presumptive obligation," he said, "and the force of presumption is directly related to why we fought the war." Because the United States claimed the humanitarian aim of removing Saddam Hussein for the good of the Iraqi people after the threat of weapons of mass destruction proved faulty, "the postwar situation must be factored into an ethical assessment of the war," said Himes.

"If you say we invaded the country not to punish but [to] help the people, then what do you owe them?" Himes asked. "What you owe them is more than simply, after you've destroyed buildings, helping them rebuild. You owe them some sort of changed circumstances."

Jean Bethke Elshtain, a professor of social and political ethics at the University of Chicago Divinity School, who in the lead-up to the current Iraq campaign asserted that it was morally justified, noted at the Fordham conference the difference between a war fought in favor of a country that has been unjustly invaded by another and one fought to overthrow a tyrant. In the first case, the intervening country would aim to restore the situation before the invasion, not unlike the 1991 Gulf War fought after Iraq invaded Kuwait. In the second case, she said, "perhaps borders will remain the same, but little else." Elshtain also said that the United States owes Iraq the "creation of a minimally decent, stable, democratic society."

Plans call for Iraq's new assembly to write a constitution by August, approve it by October, and then elect a new Iraqi government by December. Although there have been recent reports of possible U.S. troop reductions by early next year, there has also been some disapproval of the Bush administration's lack of a timetable for withdrawal as well as criticism of its poor postwar planning.

There are ethicists who agree that basic American obligations to Iraq include the rebuilding of infrastructure, the stabilization of oil resources and the economy, and the provision of utilities, food, and basic health care. But whether those obligations extend to the creation of an American-style democracy remains unresolved.

"I don't believe you can export democracy at the point of a gun barrel," says Shaun Casey, associate professor of Christian ethics at Wesley Theological Seminary. "I think liberal democracy is the best of all [political] ideas, but the means you choose to spread liberal democracy can determine the fate of whether it will be embraced or not, and that's what's missing in Bush's analysis. Do we have the right to violently force liberal democracy upon [Iraq]? I think that's a moral mistake."

George Lopez, a senior fellow at the Joan B. Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies at the University of Notre Dame, cautioned the Fordham conference that the U.S. goal of establishing democracy in Iraq and spreading it to the rest of the Middle East might represent cultural hubris. Lopez called for a phased U.S. troop withdrawal by February 2006 and expressed concern that the United States is currently operating in Iraq without a full recognition of "the other." "Virtually all arguments to stay the course are reasonably beneficial to a U.S. position and are forged, if not bounded by, U.S. cultural experiences," he said. "I worry that arguments about ethics are more about an American cultural point of view."

"We ought not to presume that our model of governance is universalizable," added Himes. "We want a government [in Iraq] that respects basic rights and treats people humanely. Beyond that, one has to respect the indigenous culture, and that may or may not evolve into something that looks more or less like American forms of democracy."

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Noah Feldman, an associate law professor at New York University and the author of WHAT WE OWE IRAQ, agrees that an ethical obligation to help establish a system of government offering equal protection under the law does not mean Iraq must adopt a system based on liberal, secular American values. "Let them choose a government that represents their people, with rules and laws according to their own values," he says. "If they want democracy with a major Islamic component, then we have to say that's fine with us."

Most ethicists seem to agree that lack of security remains the biggest obstacle to a stable, independent Iraq, and that the United States should leave if asked to do so by a legitimate Iraqi government. But they find less common ground on the question of whether the U.S. presence is goading or hindering the insurgency.

According to Lawrence Kaplan, a senior editor at THE NEW REPUBLIC who spoke at the Fordham conference, "Were we to leave today, Iraq would come apart at the seams. There is a general, if brittle consensus among Iraqis that U.S. forces, no matter how disliked, are the only semblance of order standing in the way of mayhem."

Lopez, on the other hand, contended that an announced phased withdrawal, the dismantling of military bases now under construction, and engagement with Iraq's neighbors about border and regional security would "provide the political and cultural space needed for an Iraqi government and civil society to challenge the insurgency on the nationalist, political, and religious grounds on which their struggle must occur."

For some, a prolonged U.S. military presence in Iraq betrays the altruistic intention of ridding the world of a tyrant. "It feeds the imperialist fear in certain parts of the Islamic world that we want a permanent military presence," says Casey. "It signals the wrong thing to the Muslim world and muddies moral clarity."

Speaking at the Fordham conference, Sohail Hashmi, associate professor of international relations at Mount Holyoke College, called on Muslim countries to get involved, believing that their participation could allay fears of an American attempt to remake the Middle East in its own image. "It's about time Muslims took charge of their own house," he said. "There is a Muslim duty to step in and try to resolve the conflict."

Hashmi suggested troops from predominantly Muslim countries that do not border Iraq, such as Morocco, Pakistan, and Bangladesh, should replace American and European forces as interim peacekeepers in order to counter Islamic law's aversion to alliances between Muslims and non-Muslims. In doing so, the insurgency's "rationale, its legitimacy, and its outside support will significantly diminish," he said, though others wondered whether a real internationalization of the rebuilding and stabilization effort was feasible at this point.

Another positive outcome to a U.S. withdrawal sooner rather than later could be an opportunity for Iraq to reach out to more moderate insurgent factions. "The choice is not between staying and abandoning," Harvard University government professor Stanley Hoffmann told the conference. "It is finding ways of staying which are ethical and not self-interested. It's trying to get the Iraqi government to negotiate with those elements of the insurrection which feel they have been left out. [To] give them some of the same concessions that the Kurds have obtained would not be a bad idea." According to Hoffmann, maintaining large numbers of American forces directly contributes to instability, even though attacks have recently targeted Iraqis more than Americans.

Ethical obligations reach beyond the confines of the White House and the Pentagon to citizens, says Feldman, echoing Hoffmann's exhortation to look past self-interest. "We're a democracy, and our country did this, and so we all bear responsibility for what our government does, whether we like it or not." He suggests that the individual burden of responsibility might include informed voter choices, or careful thought before speaking out publicly. "Make statements that reflect not only your own narrow, short-term interests, but those of the Iraqi people as well," he advises.

The U.S. government might also have to heed Feldman's advice as it faces a murky postwar period and its own daunting ethical responsibilities, balancing national concerns against those of an emergent Iraqi state.

Benedicta Cipolla is a writer in New York City.

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