 |
 |
 |
| What Russians Think and Want |
page 1 | 2 |
|
Russians hold the judiciary system in contempt, believing that the courts are thoroughly corrupt. They refer to court proceedings as auctions in which the highest bidder wins out. Businesses prefer to resort to arbitration. Others resort to the mafia. Many of the non-political murders which occur in Russia (and whose culprits are never caught) are the result of this kind of private "justice."
Nor are Russians more positive about capitalism. 84 percent of respondents of a poll published in January 2004 asserted that in their country wealth could be acquired only by illegal means, mainly by exploiting the right connections. They want the state to be much more involved in directing the nation's economy. They attach little value to private property, which only a quarter or so regard as a basic human right. Slightly more than half the population considers nonpayment of debts or shoplifting to be "fully acceptable behavior." They prefer financial security to wealth: 6 percent are prepared to accept the risks attendant on private enterprise, whereas 60 percent would opt for a small but assured income.
They pine for the great power status which Russia enjoyed during Soviet days. When asked to list the greatest men in history they rank them, in this order, Peter I, Lenin and Stalin, who have in common that they enhanced Russia's place in the world. When asked how they would like their country to be perceived by other nations, 48 percent of Russians says "mighty, invincible, indestructible, a great world power." 22 percent want it perceived as "affluent and thriving" and a mere 1 percent as "law-abiding and democratic." These findings help explain why 74 percent of respondents in one poll regret the passing of the Soviet Union. Asked how they would react if the Communists seized power as Lenin had done in October 1917, 23 percent of respondents say they would actively support it, 19 percent would collaborate with it, 27 percent would do their best to survive, 16 percent would emigrate, and only 10 percent would actively resist.
These results do not bode well for Russia's future as a democracy and a member of the international community. But it must be borne in mind that they are not due to some genetic predisposition of Russians for autocratic government. Rather, they can be explained in terms of their historical experience. Throughout the 700 years of its existence as an organized state, Russia has had to administer too vast a territory with too limited resources to indulge in democracy such as is possible in small and wealthy countries. It relied on the police and bureaucracy. The population at large, alienated from the state which extracted manpower and taxes but gave nothing in return, relied mainly on its own resources. It became exceedingly privatized, lacking in the sense of social and political belonging. Because Russians do not trust each other, they rely on a powerful, authoritarian state to protect them from each other. The Communist regime, during its 70 year reign, reinforced these traditional attitudes.
If Russia is given several decades of peace and stability, it may well develop different attitudes. "Order" and "freedom" then will not appear as alternatives but as complimentary values. People will want to have a voice in how their government is run, and come to rely on law. But this will take time.
Richard Pipes is Professor of History, Emeritus, at Harvard University. He is the author of numerous books on Russian history, including RUSSIA UNDER THE OLD REGIME and THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION. His most recent publication, published by Yale University Press, is VIXI: THE MEMOIRS OF A NON-BELONGER.
|
|
| page 1 | 2 |
|
 |
 |
|
|
Mourners carry a coffin containing the body of murdered journalist and TOGLIATTI OBSERVER editor Valery Ivanov.
Family members gaze at the lifeless body of Alexei Sidorov, the second editor of the TOGLIATTI OBSERVER, who assumed his role after the murder of Ivanov.
|
|
