PAUL VAN ZYL is a co-founder and the Executive Vice-President of the International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ), an organization which assists countries pursuing accountability for past mass atrocities or human rights abuse. From 1995 to 1998, he served as executive secretary of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa. In tandem with his work at the ICTJ, Mr. van Zyl serves as director of New York University School of Law’s Transitional Justice Program, and teaches law both in New York and Singapore.

Mr. van Zyl discusses the imperative of “giving women a voice” in order to identify and solve problems in conflict and post-conflict areas. Citing his work with Morocco’s Truth Commission van Zyl explains the significant strides made in justice and reparations for all, after women were included in the dialogue.

KATHI AUSTIN is an internationally recognized expert on arms trafficking, peace and security, and human rights. For 18 years, she has carried out original and in-depth field investigations pertaining to the illegal trade in weapons, illicit trafficking operations, illegal resource exploitation, transnational crime and terrorism. She has documented conflicts spanning Africa, Latin America, East and Central Europe, and South Asia. Ms. Austin will be played by Angelina Jolie in an upcoming film about her life.

Ms. Austin talks about how the nature of war has changed in the last twenty years and describes her first-hand observations of the arms trafficking industry and the notorious international criminal, Viktor Bout.

ZAINAB SALBI is the founder and CEO of Women for Women International, a non-profit organization dedicated to providing women survivors of conflicts with the tools and resources to move from crisis and poverty to self-sufficiency. Over the last 15 years, Women for Women International has supported over 150,000 women, directly enabling many to transform themselves from victims to active citizens in some of the most challenging environments including eastern Congo, Afghanistan, and Iraq.

An Iraqi native who arrived in the U.S. at age 20, Ms. Salbi talks about the ever-looming threat of bombs and gunfire during her childhood as the Iran-Iraq war raged.

ASATU BAH-KENNETH is the Deputy Inspector-General of Police for Administration in Liberia, and has served with the Liberia National Police (LNP) for two decades. Ms. Bah-Kenneth founded Liberian Muslim Women for Peace, is president of the Liberian Female Law Enforcement Association, and serves as second vice president of the board of Women NGOs Secretariat of Liberia. She is also a member of the International Chiefs of Police Association.

Ms. Bah-Kenneth discusses the transformation of the role of women, particularly Muslim women, during the war in Liberia.

PATRICIA VISEUR SELLERS From 1994 until 2007, Patricia Sellers was the Legal Advisor for Gender and a prosecutor at the Yugoslav and the Rwanda Tribunals for the United Nations. In 2007 Ms. Sellers was a Special Legal Consultant to the Gender and Woman’s Rights Division of the UN’s High Commissioner for Human Rights where she developed the legal strategies that led to the successful prosecutions of rape as a war crime, sexual violence as an act of genocide and rape as torture.

Ms. Sellers discusses landmark holdings from the Rwandan tribunals which address violence against women, sexual intimidation and rape, and held that rape could be prosecuted as a crime against humanity. These holdings are significant in that they set precedent for holdings in current and future international criminal tribunals.

Morocco prides itself on a relatively moderate brand of Islam, and has been battling a rise in radical Islamist tendencies with some of the most sweeping political and social reforms of this decade in the Arab world.  Moroccan women, in particular, have achieved some important victories, playing an increasingly active role in politics and successfully lobbying for a new family law which now grants them equal rights in marriage, divorce, and the ownership of property.  Since 2004, Moroccan law stipulates a minimum age of eighteen for women to marry.

Public outrage over the controversial fatwa prompted Moroccan authorities to act decisively.  Morocco’s highest religious authority, the Council of Islamic Scholars, issued a statement condemning the marriage of underage girls and denouncing al-Maghraoui as an “agitator.”  A court inquiry has been launched against him and on September 25th, the government closed 60 Koranic schools run by the Sheik’s organization, as well as his headquarters in Marrakesh.

The organization reportedly receives its funding from Saudi Arabia, which promotes a particularly rigid strain of Islam known as Wahhabism.  The organization’s website www.maghrawi.net is also slated to be shutdown, but is currently still accessible and a cryptic disclaimer on its homepage suggests the organization may be regrouping elsewhere on the web: “For the sake of the advancement of the site, we would like to advise our brothers and sisters that a new membership site will open very soon.  Hence we are asking all registered members of this organization to consult their email messages where we will send the password to check into the new site.”

In this YouTube video of a Moroccan television report about the controversy, al-Maghraoui defends himself saying his fatwa was wrongly interpreted: “When this question came up, I cited certain criteria: the girl has to be physically strong, has to have a mature personality, and other capacities that are rare for a nine-year-old.”

WIDE ANGLE’s Class of 2006 profiled the first group of Moroccan women to be officially trained as religious leaders, against the backdrop of heated debate about Islam and women’s rights.

Start date: 1980
Length: Approximately 1,700 miles
Official purpose: Prevention of guerrilla warfare

For nearly a century, Spain controlled a region between Morocco and Mauritania known as Spanish Sahara. In 1973, members of the Sahrawi population created the Popular Front for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro (POLISARIO Front) in hopes of gaining independence from Spanish rule. In late 1975, as Spain’s colonial rule was coming to an end, the International Court of Justice recognized the Sahrawis’ right to self-determination and rejected Morocco and Mauritania in their petitions for the land. A month later, Morocco’s king ordered a “Green March,” in which more than 300,000 Moroccans entered Spanish Sahara. Spain capitulated, and in November 1975 — six days before the death of Spain’s longtime fascist leader, General Francisco Franco — signed the Madrid Agreement, giving two thirds of the land to Morocco and one third to Mauritania.

The POLISARIO Front responded to the Madrid Agreement by claiming sovereignty, announcing the establishment of the Saharan Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) in February 1976. Neither Mauritania nor Morocco recognized SADR until 1978, when the new Mauritanian government signed a peace accord with POLISARIO. Morocco then moved to control the remaining land in Western Sahara.

POLISARIO led a guerrilla war against Morocco, which responded in 1980 by starting to build a barrier through the eastern area of Western Sahara. The barrier measures nearly 1,700 miles long and 10 feet high, and is made of earth, sand, and stone; it is reinforced by trenches, soldiers, and land mines numbered in the hundreds of thousands. To date, the barrier divides Sahrawi families. Morocco refers to the barrier as “the berm,” while Sahrawis call it “the Wall of Shame.”

Since a 1991 cease-fire, the United Nations has tried to broker an agreement on the area’s final status. Several dozen countries and the African Union recognize SADR’s government-in-exile, but Morocco retains control over the land.

George C. Wortley, MD

George C. Wortley, MD, is a family physician with added qualifications in sports medicine. He is a faculty member for the Lynchburg Family Medicine Residency in Lynchburg, Virginia. He is a fellow of the American College of Sports Medicine and a member of the Wilderness Medical Society. In addition to his volunteer work with the Sahara Marathon, he is involved with medical work with the Tarahumara Indians in Mexico.

In February of 2002 I completed my first Sahara Marathon. While the event is fresh in my mind, I want to write down my thoughts and suggestions for those considering this event in the future. Let me start by saying that I am not a competitive runner. I am a recreational trail runner but have finished two JFK 50 Milers and several of David Horton’s 50K trail runs. Twice a month I will do a 20 to 25 mile-long slow run on the Appalachian Trail. Most trail runners have the physical capacity to finish the Sahara Marathon.

Why run the Sahara Marathon?

Everyone has his or her own reasons for doing this race. Some are purely focused on the race and the competition. Others come for the opportunity to experience the Great Sahara Desert. Others go to experience the culture of the Sahrawi people who have been living in the refugee camps for the past 26 years after Morocco invaded and occupied Western Sahara. I went to experience the Sahara and its people.

Where and when is the race?

The race is held in the Western Sahara refugee camps near Tindouf, Algeria. This is located in western Algeria near Morocco, Western Sahara, and Mauritania. The starting line is in the Semara Camp, and the finish is in Laayoune. It is held in late February. This year was the second running for the event. Approximately 320 runners from around the world traveled to the camps for this year’s Sahara Marathon. For those not up for a marathon there is a half marathon, 10K, and 5K races. All finish at Laayoune (though the direction of the race was reversed in 2003.)

How do I get there?

There are Sahara Marathon race organizations in Portugal, Spain, Italy, Germany, and the United States. These groups each charter a flight to and from Tindouf, Algeria. Due to the very small number of U.S.A. runners, our group met in Lisbon, Portugal, and traveled with the Portuguese group. Tindouf, Algeria, is a military airfield with limited commercial air service. At the airport we were met by trucks and buses and driven to the Western Sahara refugee camps approximately one hour away.

What about accommodations in the refugee camps?

Runners stay with the refugee families. They take groups of three to six runners into their homes, which consist of a tent or mud hut. We were provided a foam pad and blanket. You do not need to bring a tent or sleeping bag. The family provides breakfast (bread, jam, butter, coffee, and tea) each morning. The National Union of Sahrawi Women provides group meals for lunch and dinner in the community hall, which seats up to 500 people. Vegetables, fruit, bread, and meat (goat and camel) were the usual fare. Pasta was served the night before the marathon. I was pleasantly surprised by the food but those nervous about eating camel may want to bring some something else to eat. Bring your own snacks and supplements.

Race organizers purchased a large amount of bottled water for the runners to use in the camps and during the race. Bathrooms consist of latrines with a small hole in the floor. There are no showers. You can pour a cup of water over your head if you need to bathe. There are no hotels, no restaurants, no electricity, and no running water. This is a refugee camp, not a resort. But the people are very friendly and welcoming. None of us will forget the daily “tea rituals” with our host family. I must say that staying with the families was the most interesting and rewarding part of the trip. Look at it as an adventure rather than a hardship. We get to fly back to Europe after the race. The Sahrawi do not have that option.

A few words on language. Arabic is the native language but most also speak Spanish. Western Sahara was a Spanish colony for hundreds of years. A few speak some English. I spoke only English and had no problems but I want to learn some basic Spanish for my return.

As a part of the travel costs, each runner is charged $100 for the accommodations in the camps. This covers the cost of food, water, and transportation in the camps. Some of this goes directly to the host family. Where else can you get room and board for four days for only $100? What a bargain! Once you get to the camps you do not need any money. We were told not to give any extra money to our host family. Do bring a small gift for your host family however. I brought several Mini Mag flashlights with extra batteries. Others brought candle lanterns, household items, and candy for the children. Bulk loose tea would also be nice because they drink a lot of tea. Do not bring any alcohol to the camps. Women should dress modestly while in the camps. Please respect their religion and traditions. There is a small shop, which sold local crafts so bring some money if you want souvenirs.

Do things run on time?

While there is a printed timetable, I would consider it as approximate times for meals, tours, press conferences, etc. The race did start exactly at 9:00 a.m. as planned. The sun rises at 8:00 a.m. I would have liked an earlier start to the run but now I realize that nothing happens before sunrise in a city without lights or electricity. Do not focus on your watch. Enjoy the adventure!

What is the weather like?

Nights are cool in the desert. Down to the 30 degree Fahrenheit range. Usual daytime highs in February are the mid 70s. But we were in a hot spell during race week. Race day the midday temperature was in the low 90s. The sun, and its reflection off the sand, is very intense. Bring lots of sunscreen and use it. Wrap around sunglasses are needed to keep the sun and sand out of your eyes. This year there was little wind. The year prior it was very windy.

What is the race course like?

The course is a measured 26.2-mile marathon. Most of the race is on sand. There are about 5K of pavement. The sand is hard packed in places and very loose in other places with gently rolling hills. Following the course as a little difficult at times. Rock cairns or bags of sand with plastic streamers tied to them marked the course. There were several places where no markers were visible. Usually I just followed the footprints in the sand and I never got off course. While there were water stations every 2.5K, several of these aid stations had run out of water by the time those of us in the back of the pack arrived. I carried a three-liter CamelBak and filled it when I could. Those running without a water bottle or CamelBak could get into trouble. I drank more than 11 liters race day. I would highly recommend you bring your CamelBak unless you plan to run this race very fast at the front of the pack. Also bring some carbohydrates. None are provided at the aid stations.

Remember that the Sahrawi put on this race. Their expectations for course marking and aid stations are different than most Western road marathons you may have participated in. Look upon this as an adventure run and plan accordingly.

As you cross the finish line they put the medal around your neck. There was food at the finish line but little was left by the time I arrived. They do transport your “runners bag” to the finish. Have a towel, change of clothes, and some food in it. After the race we boarded trucks for a very rough 90-minute ride back to Semara camp. Do not attempt this ride with a full bladder.

What was your overall impression of the event?

The expanse and solitude of the great Sahara Desert is truly inspiring. This is a wilderness trail run! Even more memorable was the hospitality and spirit of the Sahrawi host families. I now have an understanding and appreciation for their culture. How these people have endured 26 years of exile in the Sahara Desert with such spirit and dignity is beyond my comprehension.

When Moroccan forces invaded Western Sahara in 1975, the Sahrawi people under the banner of the Popular Front for the for the Liberation of Saguia el Hamra and Rio de Oro (POLISARIO Front), took up arms to defend what they believed to be their rightful homeland. Bob Smith

Literacy and democracy are thriving in an unlikely place.
by John Thorne
March 26, 2004

TINDOUF, ALGERIA – A dozen women recline on the steps of the main girls’ school in the Sahrawi refugee camps, their pastel robes like blots of water-color on the whitewashed cement. When the door opens and the headmistress emerges, the women suddenly leap up and crowd around her, clamoring. They are mothers seeking places for their daughters in the already-crowded school. The Sahrawi women are among the most liberated of the Muslim world, and their status is characteristic of the well- organized, egalitarian society that has developed in the refugee camps over the past three decades. For all their bleakness, the Sahrawi camps boast a representative government, a 95 percent literacy rate, and a constitution that enshrines religious tolerance and gender equality.

The Sahrawi are the Arab nomads of Western Sahara, bound together by their Yemeni ancestry and their dialect, Hassaniya, which remains close to classical Arabic. For centuries, they roamed the territory with their camels and goats, sometimes trading with Spanish colonizers, and became known as “blue men” for the indigo robes they wear.

When Spain abandoned Western Sahara in 1975, Morocco invaded and drove the Sahrawi into neighboring Algeria. Trading their camels for Land Rovers, they fought a guerrilla war under the leadership of the Polisario Front, an independence movement, until the U.N. brokered a cease-fire in 1991. Since then, the promised vote on independence has been stalled by disagreement over who should be allowed to participate.

Equality

Meanwhile the Sahrawi refugees, numbering some 160,000, have clung on in camps amid the flat, stony wastes near the town of Tindouf, in southwest Algeria. Subsisting on foreign aid — chiefly rice, bread, and a few root vegetables — most suffer from chronic malnutrition. Their settlements consist almost wholly of adobe huts and dusty canvas tents, appearing from afar as brown smudges on the slightly lighter brown desert.

“Women built these camps,” says Menana Mohammed, deputy secretary-general of the Union of Sahrawi Women. When the Sahrawi arrived at Tindouf, most of the men had stayed behind as soldiers. “You’ll still find women doing all kinds of work, including leading,” Mohammed adds. While most of the top brass are men, the minister of culture is a woman. Women hold one fourth of the seats in the Sahrawi parliament, and they make up most of the civil service, including teachers, nurses, and doctors.

“These days our chief concern is education,” says Mohammed. All young Sahrawi learn Spanish as well as Arabic, and some attend universities in Spain, Cuba, and Algeria through the sponsorship of those countries’ governments.

Sahara refugees form a progressive society

“In the camps, we had to be both sexes, because the men were all away fighting,” says Mohammed. There is an old Sahrawi saying, she says, that rings especially true today: “A tent is raised on two poles: a man and a woman.” The Sahrawi’s traditionally tough, wandering lifestyle has always made them regard husband and wife as equal leaders of the household.

Individualism

It has also begotten an individualistic approach to Islam. While most Muslims tend to stress the importance of the Islamic community, “the Sahrawi believe that religion is a very personal issue,” says Mouloud Said, the Polisario’s representative in the United States. “It’s a personal relationship between the human being and his Creator. This is the mentality of the nomadic society.” Mosques are conspicuously absent from the camps, in large part because the Sahrawi “don’t believe that to speak to God, you need a fancy place,” explains Said.

Sahrawi seldom pray in groups save on important Muslim holidays, and view even these ceremonies as purely optional. For some, this is a welcome escape hatch from the religion’s bloodier rituals.

“Each person has his own Islam,” says Zorgan Laroussi, a translator in the camps who chose not to attend the mass slaughter of camels for the feast of al-Eid al-Fitr, which marks the end of Ramadan. His brother-in-law Salek did go, and relishes explaining the ritual’s finer points while the two men and their families share a dish of grilled hindquarters.

Sahrawi are equally welcoming of other religions. “There is an almost continuous presence of church groups from all over the world — in particular the U.S. — in the camps,” says Said. “Every year for the last four years, there has been a joint prayer at Easter.”

“Tolerance is not something new, but it’s something [Sahrawi leaders] encourage,” he says. “In a tolerant society, the center prevails, not the extremes. That means respect for others, whether for the faith or their ideas.” This credo finds ample use in the Sahrawi’s recent conversion to a united democratic government. Following their flight from Western Sahara, they quickly saw that overcoming the desert and the Moroccan Army meant forsaking old tribal loyalties. “What’s most important is that we Sahrawi hang together, so we highlight stories that promote unity among us,” says Minister of Culture Miriam Salek, who works with the Ministry of Education and the Sahrawi Youth Organization to keep alive Sahrawi folklore and history.

Democracy

In 1976, the Polisario proclaimed, and more or less became, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Although a government-in-exile, it is recognized by 75 countries, and the U.N. formally considers Western Sahara an occupied territory. Tier upon tier of elected officials make up the camp government, from the national parliament down to neighborhood councils. Sahrawi are avid voters, and many participate in local civil service — even if it’s merely taking a twice-weekly shift on the trash detail, or helping dole out rations. This could be the blueprint for an independent Western Sahara, and there is a general sense of pride and excitement among the Sahrawi for their new society. “This has worked so far, what we have here,” says one young daira (district) councilman, “and it should still work in Western Sahara. We built this on the hope of the people, and I don’t think they’ll want to change.” But as the years drag on, many fear they will never have the chance to find out. Their smoothly running camps and refusal to resort to terrorism keep them out of the public consciousness, relieving pressure on the U.N. to push for a quick settlement to the 29-year-old conflict. “We have been landless for so long,” laments Tellib Helli Embarik, an old tribal leader. “I don’t know if the U.N. is just waiting for us to disappear or what!”

John Thorne is a contributor to THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR.

Reproduced with permission from the March 26, 2004, edition of THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR (www.csmonitor.com).