
Expedition
Log

|

|
Aron L.
Crowell
Living on the Edge:
People in the Gulf of Alaska
Environment
The Gulf of Alaska is one of the
world's most productive oceanic regions. Abundant marine
mammals, fish, and birds have supported human settlement for
10,000 years, one of the longest sequences of maritime
cultures in the Americas.
|
Unangan,
Kodiak Alutiiq, and Tlingit men (Painted by A.
Postels, 1827).
Click
image for a larger
view.
|
At the same time, the Gulf of
Alaska is decidedly "on the edge." It occupies an unstable
subarctic margin of the North American continent where
glaciers, earthquakes, volcanoes, climatic shifts, and
ecosystem changes pose severe challenges to human
occupation. Archaeology and paleoenvironmental science
provide a long-term view of how people have learned to live
and flourish in this dynamic region.
Coastal cultures of the Gulf of
Alaska include the Tlingit, Eyak, Alutiiq, Dena'ina, and
Unangan. In traditional times all depended on agile
watercraft as well as waterproof clothing and specialized
tools and techniques for hunting and fishing. They built
earthen-walled winter houses in the western Gulf and
dwellings of spruce and cedar planks along the forested
eastern coast. The entire region was linked by long-distance
trade and warfare.
Gulf societies were strikingly
similar to each other in structure and organization. Family
groups of 15-40 people owned and harvested subsistence
resources. Total community size could exceed 1000 people.
Political systems were small in scale -- chiefs seldom led
more than a single village -- but social rank was inherited
and wealth was unevenly distributed among elites, commoners,
and slaves. In anthropological terms, populations of the
Gulf of Alaska were "complex" hunter-gatherers.
These characteristics may have
developed in response to both the richness and instability
of the Gulf of Alaska environment. Clans and families that
controlled the best hunting and fishing sites were more
affluent and powerful than others. Warfare, which become
more widespread after A. D. 1000, may have been provoked by
population growth and increasing competition for
resources.
|
Archaeological
excavations at the Malina Creek village site on
Afognak Island in the Kodiak archipelago. The
lowest levels are 5000 years old. Layers of shell
and animal bones at archaeological sites record the
diets of people in the past, and changes may be
linked to regime shifts in the marine ecosystem.
(Photo by Richard Knecht, 1993).
Click
image for a larger
view.
|
But if control of resources was
important, what were the implications of environmental
change? For example, we know that dramatic shifts in the
abundance of fish, seabirds, and sea mammals occur in 10-30
year cycles that correspond to fluctuations in North Pacific
sea temperatures. When a "regime shift" occurs there are
large increases or decreases in salmon productivity and
opposite changes in sea lion and harbor seal abundance. When
regime shifts occurred in the past, salmon streams and other
key resource locales would have lost or gained in value to
the families that owned them.
One strategy for evening out
these cycles was to avoid specialization. Gulf coast peoples
have always utilized a very broad range of subsistence
resources, and areas of high diversity provided the most
stable territories. Such locations also have the greatest
numbers of archaeological sites from all time
periods.
Cataclysmic geological events
must also be considered. Large earthquakes, tidal waves, and
coastal sinking have periodically destroyed village sites
and forced local populations to evacuate. Glacial advances
during the Little Ice Age destroyed settlements in coastal
fjords and caused sinking of the shoreline. In Glacier Bay
and Icy Strait, ice advances, flooding, and the loss of
coastal habitat appear to have pushed Tlingit groups north
to Yakutat Bay, an area that belonged formerly to the
Chugach and Eyak. In addition, volcanic eruptions have
forced the abandonment of entire regions. This occurred most
recently in 1912, when the Katmai/Novarupta explosion
destroyed villages on the Alaska Peninsula. The eruption of
Aniakchak 3,400 years ago was followed by a 1500 year period
when few people lived in the vicinity of the volcano.
It is evident from such
archaeological and historical data that migration was a
frequent result of natural disasters. Movement away from
affected areas was made easier by the seafaring ability of
Gulf peoples, who could travel across hundreds of miles of
ocean in kayaks, large skin-covered boats, and wooden
canoes.
One of the most important human
adaptations to change and unpredictability appears to have
been political. Gulf headmen maintained alliances with other
villages by exchanging trade goods, hostages, feasts, and
marriage partners. Such relationships could operate over
long distances and across cultural-linguistic boundaries.
According to Russian reports, for example, the Alutiiq chief
of Shuyak Island in the Kodiak archipelago summoned 1000
Dena'ina allies from the Kenai Peninsula to fight Russian
fur traders who invaded Kodiak Island in the 1780s. When
disasters struck, political networks made it possible to
seek help or migrate into allied territories.
This model might also explain
why systems of social ranking and ceremonial exchange
operated across the entire Gulf of Alaska despite great
variations in local population density. No matter how large
a village was or where it was located it was necessarily
part of a regional network of relationships that cushioned
the risks of "living on the edge."
(top)
|

|