
Expedition
Log

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David
Policansky
It's Just a Fish:
Alaskan Salmon and Halibut
Fisheries
Fishing is enormously important
in Alaska's economic and political life. It is related to
many issues that Harriman's expedition encountered and
debated, and many that the Retraced expedition has met as
well. I wanted to talk about salmon and halibut because they
are among the most important fishes for commercial,
subsistence, and recreational fishing. They have fascinating
life histories and illustrate so many problems of resource
management.
Halibut are enormous flatfish;
they can weigh as much as 800 pounds, and 100-pounders are
common. They are related to the flounders and soles commonly
found in fish markets and restaurants. When they hatch from
eggs, about a third of an inch long, they are symmetrical,
like other fishes, but soon part of their skull rotates,
bringing one eye with it, and the fish changes into a very
asymmetrical animal that has both of its eyes on the same
side of its head. They are important in the Native American
cultures of the west coast, and often are seen in the art of
the Haida and Tlingit peoples.
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When halibut
hatch they are symmetrical, like other fishes, but
soon part of their skull rotates, bringing one eye
with it, and the fish changes into a very
asymmetrical animal that has both of its eyes on
the same (right) side of its head.
Click
image for a larger
view.
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The overall fishing effort is
managed by an international commission (United States and
Canada) that has prevented overfishing; halibut populations
are strong. But many people wanted to catch halibut, and as
more and more fished for them, the open season for them got
shorter and shorter to prevent overfishing. Finally, each
"opening" lasted only about 24 hours. The result was a mad
race for the fish. If the opening came on a day with bad
weather, then the fishermen were in danger. Some died and
boats were lost as well.
To solve this problem, a system
was put in place that gave each fisherman who had fished for
halibut in recent years a quota amounting to a percentage of
the total allowable catch, that is, the safe catch
determined by the commission. The quotas can be bought and
sold (with limits on how many can be accumulated by one
person). Nobody without a quota could fish for halibut
commercially. The system did prevent the mad race for fish
and did make life easier for the fishermen who had quotas.
But the quota system is controversial because it appears to
give ownership of a public resource to only a few people,
even though the quota is legally defined as not being a
property right.
Despite the controversy over the
system of allocation of access to the fish, management has
succeeded in keeping strong halibut populations, largely
because of the commitment to scientific management from the
beginning. The case of salmon in Alaska has been different.
All five species of salmon that live in Alaska have an
unusual life history. The eggs hatch in fresh water where
the young fish grow; later they undergo complex
physiological changes to allow them to go to sea where they
live for one to seven years depending on species and other
variables. They then return to the stream where they were
hatched (a few individuals do stray to other streams). There
they spawn to complete the cycle and they die. This life
cycle makes for predictable salmon runs and allows
communities to establish themselves where these abundant
resources appear each summer and fall. It also makes them
more vulnerable to fishing because it isn't necessary to go
to sea to catch them.
When Harriman's expedition
arrived in 1899, exploitation of salmon was just beginning.
The first Alaskan canneries had been established in 1878.
Yet already expedition scientist George Bird Grinnell wrote
of overexploitation and warned that if the fishing went
unchecked, the salmon would be sorely depleted. Others had
made similar warnings. The problem was that a few large
companies in San Francisco and Seattle dominated the fishing
and because of the gear used -- fixed fish traps -- the
companies had great control of the fishery. They set traps
in the best places (usually near river mouths where the
salmon returned from the sea to spawn) and were able to
exclude small Alaskan operators and Natives from fishing
there.
Although there were regulations,
they were not based on science or even on traditional
knowledge. Because Alaska was not a state and had only a
nonvoting delegate in Congress, Alaskan residents were
unable to influence regulations in their favor. The powerful
fishing interests from down south were able to influence
those regulations, and they made sure that the regulations
did not interfere too seriously with their ability to catch
as many fish as they wanted. By the 1930s, the amount of
fish canned reached a maximum of more than 8 million cases.
But the resource was already in trouble and the production
of fish declined after that; by the time Alaska became a
state in 1959, only about 1.5 million cases of salmon were
produced.
Alaskans tried for many years,
even decades, to get rid of the traps, because those traps
allowed the Seattle and San Francisco companies to control
fishing and keep the locals out. Alaska's failure to
influence regulations, coupled with reduced fish production,
was among the major factors leading to statehood in 1959.
And as soon as Alaska became a state, the hated fish traps
were abolished.
Alaska committed itself to
science-based salmon management and over the following
decades things improved. By the mid-1990s, salmon production
was higher than it had ever been and yet the populations
were not being overexploited. But other problems arose. One
concerned subsistence, an important aspect of Native
culture. This complex subject has a long history and I won't
go into it here, but in brief, a conflict arose between a
federal law that provided for a rural preference for
subsistence, and Alaska's constitution, which guarantees
equal access for all Alaskans to subsistence resources.
Despite attempts by Alaska's congressional delegation and
the federal government, this conflict could not be resolved
as of 2001 by amending Alaska's constitution, and as a
result, management of subsistence resources on federal lands
in Alaska has been taken over by the federal government. It
is ironic that after the struggle for statehood, the state
has been unable to resolve this problem and thus has had to
give up control of salmon management in much of the state to
the federal government again. Of course, with a powerful
voting delegation in Congress, Alaska has much more power
than it did before statehood. So the kind of disregard for
local interests and the resource that characterized the
per-statehood era is most unlikely.
What does the future hold?
Farmed salmon have been competing with wild-caught salmon in
restaurants and markets and have depressed prices. In
1999-2001, the salmon runs in Bristol Bay (western Alaska)
have been far lower than expected and than recent runs, for
reasons not yet understood. Allocation problems have not
gone away, and -- as is true with halibut -- recreational
fishing continues to grow in importance and its potential
for competition for those resources with commercial fishing.
The subsistence problem, which is a major political issue in
Alaska, has not been solved. Finally, the climate -- as it
always has -- continues to change, and along with it, the
productivity of the ocean for salmon and other species
changes as well. But I am optimistic that the pieces are in
place for solutions, and that salmon and halibut management
in Alaska will continue to be challenging, interesting, and
ultimately a window on the many facets of Alaska that made
it so exciting to Harriman's expedition and to
ours.
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