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Full Report: Argentina


1910-1928: Decades of foreign investment and massive immigration set the stage for economic revolution. Britain invests heavily in infrastructure. Argentina, a constitutional democracy, is among the world's richest nations. Conservative forces dominate politics until 1916, when the Radicals win control. Emphasis on fair elections and democratic institutions lets the middle class enter the political process.

1929-1936: Unemployment resulting from the world economic crisis causes profound social and political unrest. The military forces the Radicals from power and improves economic conditions, but political turbulence intensifies. Empowered by industrialization through import substitution, the urban working classes lead several unsuccessful uprisings prior to the 1937 presidential elections.

1937-1942: Following the organization of a left-wing Popular Front, right-wing parties unite in a so-called National Front. The right wing's Roberto Ortíz wins an election noted for vote-rigging and fraud. He does attempt to strengthen democracy, though, and adopts countermeasures against German agents' activities. Ill, he resigns in 1942; his successor, Ramon Castillo, is overthrown in a military coup.

1943-1954: Populist Juan Domingo Perón, Minister of Labor and then two-term president, appeals to nationalist sentiment. Pro-labor rhetoric and a charismatic wife, former actress Eva Duarte ("Evita"), win him mass support among urban and rural workers. Opposition is blatantly suppressed. A strongly protective, inward-looking development strategy creates a faltering economy unable to compete internationally.

1955-1972: A military rebellion forces Perón to resign. A revolving door of elected presidents and military juntas follows. Alternating military and civilian administrations unsuccessfully address diminished economic growth and increasing social and labor demands. Personal and political freedoms are restricted, and terrorism escalates. Violent labor strikes and student riots pave the way for Perón's return.

1973-1976: Perón returns to the presidency. When he dies in 1974, his second wife, Isabel, succeeds him. A stabilization program briefly improves economic conditions, but they deteriorate quickly as a result of international shocks. Political turmoil and divisions within the Peronist party undermine Isabel's administration. A military coup removes her from office.

1977-1983: A military junta wages a "dirty war" against the left. Human rights abuses escalate as thousands "disappear." The government borrows heavily and shifts the economic emphasis to open competition. The policy proves devastating: Many factories close, and an economic crisis develops. The loss of the Falklands Islands war against the British and charges of corruption further discredit the government.

1984-1989: The country returns to constitutional rule under President Raúl Alfonsín, who fails to stabilize the economy. He does, however, renegotiate the country's massive foreign debt, declaring a moratorium on principal and refinancing interest payments. Increased poverty and persistent inflation lower the standard of living. Income distribution becomes increasingly unequal, and riots are frequent.

1990-1994: President Menem spurs economic growth through controversial measures such as extensive deregulation and privatization in the utilities, transportation, and infrastructure sectors. Central to his reforms is the Convertibility Law, which pegs the peso to the U.S. dollar. Charges of corruption and political infighting plague politics. Rising poverty and falling wages mitigate macroeconomic success.

1995-1999: During Menem's second term, his austerity program proves increasingly unpopular within his own administration. A series of economic shocks, including devaluation in Brazil, puts the economy, now fully integrated in the world market, into recession. Opposition candidate Fernando de la Rúa wins the presidency, promising renewed economic growth and lower corruption, unemployment, and crime rates.

2000-2001: De la Rúa fails to live up to his promises in the first year of his term. The economy does not rebound and is further affected by the economic slowdown in the United States. Payment of external debt interest is crippling. Corruption scandals continue. Argentina faces riots, massive debt, and 20 percent unemployment. President de la Rua resigns in the face of economic collapse.

2002-2003: Peronist leader Eduardo Duhalde is named president. His government decides to devalue the Argentine peso, which had previously been pegged to the dollar. A new wave of civic unrest ensues; the banking system fails, poverty spreads, and Argentina defaults several times on its external payments. Duhalde reaches a last-ditch agreement for IMF standby support and calls elections for April 2003.

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1942-1946: One of the military coup leaders, populist Juan Domingo Perón, becomes Minister of Labor. Campaigning among workers with promises of land, higher wages, and social security, he wins a decisive victory in the 1946 presidential elections. Rocky relations with the U.S. improve when Argentina, accused of aiding the Axis powers, signs a compact among American nations for mutual aid against aggressors.

1947-1951: Perón turns Argentina into a corporatist country in which powerful organized interest groups negotiate for positions and resources. The embodiment of populism, Perón incites nationalist passions. His wife, Eva Duarte, manages labor relations and social services. The adoration the masses have for "Evita" greatly helps her husband's reelection campaign.

1952-1954: Perón wins reelection in 1952. He owes his victory in large part to the suppression of opposition, which becomes increasingly critical of his government. The independent daily "La Prensa" is expropriated. Perón continues to pursue policies aimed at giving an economic and political voice to the working class. But Evita's death brings decreased support for the president.

1955: Dissidents in the Navy launch a rebellion in Buenos Aires that a loyal Army crushes. Tensions increase until a few months later when insurgent groupings within all three branches of the armed forces stage a concerted rebellion. After three days of bloody civil war, Perón resigns and goes into exile. The insurgent leader Lonardi takes office as president, promising to restore democratic government.

1956-1958: General Lonardi's failure to suppress Peronism provokes another coup d'état within two months. A new military regime crushes a Peronist revolt, arresting thousands, executing many. From exile, Perón encourages Peronists, forbidden to function as a party, to cast blank ballots in the presidential election. Blanks exceed the votes of any single party, but Arturo Frondizi wins.

1959-1961: Having won the presidency with Peronist and Communist support, Frondizi, of the somewhat leftist Intransigent Radical Party, restores representative government and achieves some economic stability with the aid of foreign loans and credits. His popularity rapidly declines as those who supported his candidacy return their allegiance to their own parties.

1962-1964: Frondizi is deposed by military leaders who perceive him as too lenient toward Peronists. Senate president José María Guido leads a government dominated by the armed forces until national elections in 1963. Barred from participating, Peronists and Communists watch as Arturo Illia, a moderate of the People's Radical Party, wins the presidency. Illia announces a program of national recovery.

1965-1972: Illia's government is short-lived; a military coup removes him in 1966. The junta names succeeding presidents, the third of whom, General Alejandro Augustín, takes office in 1971. His military government fails to suppress violent strikes, student riots, and terrorist activities. Vocal Peronists nominate Perón for the presidency. As he remains in exile, his stand-in Hector Cámpora takes his place.

1973-1976: Cámpora wins the general elections but resigns within months, facing escalating terrorism and violent divisions between moderate and leftist Peronists. An ailing Perón returns as president; his second wife, Isabel, is vice president. She succeeds him upon his death in 1974. Her administration is undermined by worsening economic and political conditions. A military junta deposes her in 1976.

1977-1981: The military junta in power wages a "dirty war" against the left. Lieutenant-General Jorge Videla, the self-proclaimed president, amends the constitution and bans union activity. His successors, Generals Roberto Viola and Leopoldo Galtieri, promise to return to democracy but continue his policies. Some 12,000 people suspected of leftist leanings "disappear." Thousands more are confirmed killed.

1982-1983: General Galtieri, seeking popular support and wishing to distract attention from the deteriorating economy, orders the invasion of the Islas Malvinas (Falkland Islands) over which Britain has sovereignty. Argentina's humiliating defeat discredits the military regime. Under public pressure, the junta allows national elections. Raúl Alfonsín of the Radical Civic Union wins the presidency.

1984-1989: Argentina returns to constitutional rule. The government attempts to account for the "disappeared," establishes civilian control of the armed forces, and consolidates democratic institutions. Despite restructuring the foreign debt, however, Alfonsín's administration fails to redress the economy. Peronist Carlos Saúl Menem, a flamboyant provincial governor, wins the 1989 national elections.

1990-1994: Menem proves to be a decisive leader with a controversial agenda. He institutes a major overhaul of domestic policy, issuing decrees when Congress cannot reach consensus on his proposed reforms. He improves economic conditions, but the political arena becomes increasingly corrupt. A reformed Constitution limits the president's powers somewhat but enables him to seek, and win, reelection.

1995-1999: Political infighting and corruption weigh heavily on Menem's second term. Top officials resign, some amid scandal and others in protest of government austerity. The two main opposition parties, FREPASO and UCR, form a coalition promising to uphold economic reform while fighting unemployment, crime, and corruption. Their presidential candidate, Fernando de la Rúa, wins the 1999 elections.

2000-2001: De la Rúa's attempt to project an image of austerity and intolerance for corruption fails. The economy does not rebound, and a kickback scandal taints his administration. He rearranges the Cabinet, provoking the resignation of the vice president. As the social, economic and political crisis escalates, de la Rua resigns and an interim government led by Adolfo Rodriguez Saa is in place for a week.

2002-2003: Peronist leader Eduardo Duhalde is chosen by Congress as Argentina's third president in as many weeks. He devalues the peso and presides over the apparent disintegration of the economic system. He manages to retain power despite popular protests, international creditor pressures, and opposition maneuvers, and calls fresh elections for April 2003 in which he hopes to consolidate his position.

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1942-1946: Argentina engages in import substitution industrialization, facilitated by the decrease in imports during and after the Depression. Traditional export agriculture stagnates at the outbreak of World War II, however, and remains sluggish. At the same time, the intense growth spurt of the 1930s in industry gradually becomes stunted.

1947-1952: Perón nationalizes large parts of the economy and puts up trade barriers to defend them. He announces his first Five-Year Plan based on growth of nationalized industries. An environment of almost complete protection against imports creates a domestically oriented industry with high production costs incapable of competing in international markets.

1953-1958: Perón's second Five-Year Plan favors increased agricultural output over industrialization. But industrial growth and high wages in previous years have expanded the domestic demand for agrarian goods. During the '50s, output of beef and grain, the country's main export goods, falls, and the economy suffers. Argentina signs economic and trade agreements with Britain, the Soviet Union, and Chile.

1959-1965: President Frondizi inherits an economic crisis from Perón. Advice from the United States, substantial foreign loans, and credits help achieve some economic stability, at the cost of mounting debt. Economic growth picks up, but leftists and Peronists criticize Frondizi's stabilization program because the burden falls heavily on the working and lower middle classes.

1966-1970: The military government supports a more active role for the state in the economy. In a radical departure from past policies, the Ministry of Economy announces a program to reduce rising inflation while promoting competition, efficiency, and foreign investment. The international financial community offers strong support for this program, and economic growth continues.

1971-1975: Erratic economic growth reflects political turmoil as a series of economy ministers succeeds each other with inconsistent policies. A stabilization program combined with improved terms of trade finances brief economic prosperity in 1973. But international inflation increases the price of imports, and the oil crisis hits Argentina's economy through a drastic drop in the country's terms of trade.

1976-1981: The military shifts to an outward-oriented growth policy. The junta diminishes state intervention and promotes the private sector as an agent of growth. Success in decreasing inflation and increasing international reserves is mitigated by many factory closings and the growth of external debt. Open competition proves devastating for many industries. By 1980 a serious economic crisis develops.

1982-1989: Loss of access to external borrowing due to Mexico's debt crisis leads to hasty economic policies, capital flight, and inflation. In 1983 President Alfonsín asks the IMF for help after his improvised efforts to stabilize the economy fail. Argentina declares a moratorium on its debt principal and refinances its interest payments through a package deal involving several Latin American governments.

1990-1991: President Menem inherits a contracting economy, hyperinflation, and unserviceable debt. Economy Minister Cavallo opens the market to foreign competition and pegs the peso to the dollar under the Convertibility Law. Inflation plummets. He deregulates the electricity sector and launches a far-reaching privatization program comprising the oil, telephone, water distribution, and railroad industries.

1992-1994: The privatization program continues, expanding to the airline, gas, ports, and petrochemicals industries. The economic measures of Menem's administration together bring massive foreign investment and GDP growth. Large domestic conglomerates and multinationals dominate the industrial base.

1995-1997: Cavallo's vocal denouncement of corruption alienates him from the government and causes his dismissal. Under his successor, Roque Fernández, a series of external shocks rattles Argentina. The economy shrinks by 2.8 percent after the Mexican peso devaluation as consumer demand falls and credit becomes scarce. It rebounds quickly, but suffers another blow as a result of the Asian financial crisis.

1998-1999: Devaluation in Brazil, Argentina's main trade partner, triggers an exodus of industries to Brazil and contributes to an economic downturn. Falling commodity prices, bad weather, and uncertainty over upcoming elections put the economy back into recession. Menem orders a freeze on public spending.

2000-2001: Argentina enters the new millennium with massive external debt and poor economic performance. Investors express concern that Argentina might default on its debt. International financial institutions come together to offer a bailout package which provides a short respite from crisis but little real economic progress. In a Cabinet reshuffle, Cavallo returns as economy minister.

2002-2003: Having failed to stabilize the economy, Cavallo leaves in disgrace. The peso is devalued and drops 70 percent against the dollar. The collapse spreads from the banking sector to foreign exchange operations, and by late 2002 Argentina is defaulting on external debt repayments. After a lengthy standoff, a $3 billion IMF bridge loan is secured to cover the first half of 2003, until elections are held.

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1942-1955: Under Perón, the number of unionized workers expands as he helps establish the powerful General Confederation of Labor (CGT). Women obtain the right to vote. Government enacts legislation legalizing absolute divorce and granting all benefits of legitimacy to children born out of wedlock. Argentina develops the largest middle class on the continent.

1956-1966: The policy shift toward agricultural production creates a gap in income distribution as the majority of those who work in agriculture labor on tiny plots while the majority of the land is in large estates. Chronic poverty is pervasive, especially in the country's interior.

1967-1975: As the economy starts to languish and import substitution industrialization runs out of steam, urban migration slows. Per capita income falls, and with it the standard of living. The authoritarian phase of government introduces a development model which accentuates income inequality and pays little attention to social needs. The poor stage strikes and riots in a vain attempt to be heard.

1976-1982: Tens of thousands of Argentines leave the country, primarily for Europe and the United States. Argentina witnesses a "brain drain" as scientists, professors, and intellectuals flee the repressive dictatorship. Thousands who do not escape in time "disappear." Argentina is robbed of a potential centrist leadership. Among the urban working class, unemployment soars as many factories close.

1983-1989: The return of democracy accentuates the unequal nature of income distribution. Whereas the incomes of the richest 10 percent increases by almost 60 percent, the incomes of the poorest seven deciles fall by 30 percent. Food riots become increasingly common as rising poverty and high inflation put many foodstuffs out of reach of a growing percentage of the population.

1990-1995: The rate of poverty in the population tops 40 percent. The structure of the labor force changes as female participation increases in a time of rising uncertainty and falling wages. Unemployment reaches and remains in the double digits, peaking above 18 percent in 1995.

1996-2001: The social cost of economic restructuring becomes ever more apparent: Unemployment is high, and crime rates climb. The benefits of economic growth are restricted to industrially active areas. Rural populations migrate from the interior to the overcrowded slums around Buenos Aires and other major cities, contributing to a decline in urban living conditions and rise in rates of urban unemployment.

2002-2003: The generalized collapse of the Argentine economy has a devastating impact on a society long proud of its European style and middle-class mores. More than 50 percent of Argentines now live in poverty; barter replaces some cash exchanges; employment is scarce; and people resort to odd jobs and desperate survival measures. Protests are frequent, and cynicism grows toward the political leadership.

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1940-1955: Argentina focuses on building its economy, largely ignoring the environmental consequences. With the exception of legislation governing the national parks system, there is virtually no legal framework regulating the use of natural resources. Industrial activity spreads to the interior and the pampas, the vast grassy plains of northern Argentina.

1956-1970: Successive governments are more concerned with political and economic issues than environmental ones. Deforestation, poor management of agricultural lands, and air pollution all contribute to environmental degradation. Mines, smelters, and petroleum wells generate a considerable amount of pollution. Refineries contaminate groundwater and underground aquifers, affecting farming.

1971-1980: Industrial water pollution becomes Argentina's largest environmental problem. The Plata River in particular serves as the major dumping ground for highly toxic chemical waste. The fragmentary nature of government's limited environmental policies hinders the development of a uniform conservation strategy.

1981-1989: The oil and gas industry becomes a major polluter. Oil wells are not shut down properly, gas flaring is common, and leaks are rarely cleaned up. The government creates the Federal Environment Council (COFEMA), but it remains largely ineffective as its provincial representatives rarely succeed in reaching a consensus.

1990-1993: President Menem's administration tackles environmental concerns during an economically stable period. Legislation requires the oil and gas industry to conduct environmental studies and develop plans for environmental protection. The Directorate of Natural Resources cooperates closely with industry to implement these laws. Provincial authorities begin to play a role in monitoring local compliance.

1994-1996: The national agenda addresses environmental concerns with the inclusion of environmental protection clauses in the amended Constitution. The Southern Cone Common Market (Mercosur) agreement seeks to harmonize environmental legislation in member countries. But overlapping jurisdictions and a long history of tension between federal and provincial governments makes enforcement difficult and rare.

1997-2003: Argentina emerges as a leader in Latin America regarding air pollution, voluntarily committing to setting specific targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. But enforcement of environmental laws remains virtually nonexistent. Municipal governments are still able to sidestep provincial and federal regulations by extending pollution "credits" to private corporations.

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Rule of Law

1942-1954: The military ousts the constitutional government in 1943 and proceeds to suppress democratic activity. Political parties are abolished under Perón. The press becomes increasingly critical of the government, which retaliates with legislation providing prison terms for people who show "disrespect" for government leaders. Many opponents of the regime are jailed, and opposition press is suppressed.

1955-1963: After Perón's departure, his followers are forbidden to function as a party. The new government crushes a Peronist revolt, arresting thousands and executing many. Just as the opposition was crushed while Perón was in power, so now are Peronists and perceived Communists barred from national elections in 1963.

1964-1972: Successive governments fail to suppress violent strikes, student riots, and terrorist activities. Political transitions take place through military coup or rigged elections. General Lanusse, who takes office in 1971, begins to take steps toward reinstituting civilian rule. This time, Peronists succeed in nominating Hector Cámpora as a stand-in for Perón.

1973-1976: Extremists on the left and right carry out terrorist acts, each declaring loyalty to Perón. The two main guerilla groups are responsible for more than 600 assassinations. The government resorts to a series of emergency decrees, allowing itself to imprison a person indefinitely without charge and responding to violence with its own death squad. The incidence of kidnappings soars.

1977-1983: The armed forces restore basic order through harsh measures. The costs of the "dirty war" are massive in terms of lives lost and basic human rights violated. Thousands of people "disappear." Charges of corruption among government officials multiply, further discrediting the regime.

1984-1989: With a return to constitutional rule, the government lifts many of the restrictions on personal and political freedoms. President Alfonsín attempts to account for those who "disappeared" and reduces the role and influence of the armed forces. But he walks a fine line between seeking justice and trying not to provoke the military into overthrowing him.

1990-1995: President Menem slashes the military's budget and personnel so drastically that it no longer poses a threat to civilian power. At the same time, however, he pardons some of the leaders of the "dirty war." Allegations of public sector corruption become more frequent and the justice system, frequently politically influenced, is slow to provide due process.

1996-2003: Corruption is rampant in the political and legal systems. Several senators are accused of selling their votes; then the judge overseeing the case is accused of taking bribes. Ex-president Menem is indicted on charges of arms-trafficking involvement. In 2002, hopes rise that leaders of the "dirty war" will be prosecuted when former dictators Videla and Galtieri are charged with human rights abuses.

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Trade Policy

1946-1952: The contraction in imports and loss of export markets resulting from the years following the Depression and World War II facilitate the adoption of an import substitution policy. Perón erects a system of almost complete protection against imports. At the same time, output of beef and grain, the country's main export goods, stagnates. Argentina is largely cut off from the international market.

1953-1965: The market opens slightly to international trade as Perón's second economic plan seeks to capitalize on the country's comparative advantage in agriculture. Argentina signs trade agreements with Britain, the Soviet Union, and Chile. A trickle of foreign commercial transactions produces a favorable balance of trade. Argentina participates in the Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA).

1966-1977: A gradual reversal in trade policy culminates in the military's announcing import substitution as a failed experiment. The government lifts protectionist barriers and opens the economy to the world market. This open competition program boosts some exports, but an overvalued currency means certain imports are so cheap that local industry declines, and many exports are priced out of the market.

1978-1984: High and rising inflation affects production costs, and the industrial sector is hard hit by the recession. Agricultural exports, too, become prohibitively expensive. Trade flows dwindle. By 1982, exports fall to 2 percent of their record level, while imports also decline. The Latin American Integration Association replaces LAFTA with the limited goal of encouraging free trade in the region.

1985-1992: Argentina signs a number of integration treaties to reduce trade barriers among Latin American countries. President Menem abolishes all quantitative restrictions, including quotas, on imports and exports. The average tariff undergoes further cuts. The Secretariat of Agriculture obtains financing from the Inter-American Development Bank to help boost nontraditional agricultural exports.

1993-1996: Trade liberalization measures and financial stabilization help foreign trade double. The privatization of transportation and handling infrastructure contributes to increasing Argentina's export capacity. The Mercosur agreement enters into force in 1995 with the goal of creating a free-trade zone comprising Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay.

1997-1998: Grain output reaches a record of more than 60 million tons as trade picks up and productivity increases as a result of the adoption of new technology. Argentine beef is exported to the U.S. market for the first time in more than 50 years, and other export prospects improve as well. But just as foreign trade reaches its peak, domestic and foreign events begin to slow it down.

1999-2003: Lower world prices for agricultural products cause a sharp slowdown in export growth. The Brazilian devaluation reduces demand from Argentina's largest trade partner and triggers an exodus of industries to Brazil. Domestic recession lowers the demand for imports. But the 70 percent loss of value of the peso after its 2002 devaluation improves the competitiveness of Argentine exports.

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1945-1958: These years are marked by continuity in fiscal policy despite political instability. The combination of industrial protectionism, redistribution of income from an agrarian to industrial production, and growing state intervention in the economy sparks an inflationary process. High trade protection shields domestic industry from external competition and enables a fixed exchange rate.

1959-1965: High inflation prompts a stabilization plan that includes tighter monetary policy, a cut in public expenditures, and increases in taxes and utility prices. Wage growth in the early 1960s pushes prices up. The inflation rate increases faster, and soon real wages fall.

1966-1975: The Ministry of Economy puts an end to the exchange rate policy of previous governments. The currency undergoes a 30 percent devaluation. The international financial community supports the government as it attempts to control inflation while encouraging competition. The economy enjoys brief stability in 1973.

1976-1981: The government fixes wages while letting the market determine prices. This policy proves unpopular as real wages fall. The Central Bank then increases the money supply, prompting massive capital flight. As thousands move their savings out of pesos and into dollars in fear of a devaluation, the government resorts to heavy foreign borrowing.

1982-1984: Mexico's suspension of debt payments stalls Argentina's borrowing spree as many developing countries are barred from international capital markets. By then, however, Argentina's international debt has reached unprecedented proportions, and inflation remains unchecked.

1985-1986: Alfonsín implements the Austral Plan, designed to cut inflation through a price and wage freeze and centered around monetary reform that includes a new currency. For six months inflation drops and prices stabilize. But by early 1986, under pressure from business interests, the government reverts to promoting economic growth at the expense of price stability. Inflation growth resumes.

1987-1990: Facing a financial crisis and no longer able to pay the interest on its debt, Argentina signs an austerity program with the IMF. The plan calls for drastic budget cuts, positive interest rates, a slowing down of salary increases, and devaluations. The plan proves unpopular in Argentina, and fails to redress the economy or reduce inflation.

1991-1995: In a drastic measure to reverse slow growth, weak investment, and chronic inflation, Menem introduces the Convertibility Law, which pegs the peso to the U.S. dollar, outlaws the printing of money to finance fiscal deficits, and requires the monetary base to be fully backed by foreign currency reserves. Sweeping reforms in all areas alter the monetary system and improve fiscal and tax policies.

1996-1998: The successful monetary reform program leads to one of the world's lowest inflation rates in the late 1990s. Economic stability attracts local and foreign capital to the local banking system and opens the way for foreign direct investment. Although it is popular, the Convertibility Law reduces Argentina's flexibility to deal with external shocks.

1999-2000: The 1999 recession reverses some of the past decade's progress. Domestic banks take a very cautious stance and cut off credit to local firms. Government and major industries rely on international financial markets. The lack of domestic credit is a bottleneck for small and medium industries, as well as for those struggling to adjust to the devaluation of the Brazilian real.

2001-2003: As the Central Bank runs out of pesos, some cash-strapped provincial governments resort to alternative currency bonds, which many businesses refuse to honor. The 2002 devaluation of the peso ends 10 years of parity with the U.S. dollar. The peso loses 70 percent of its value against the dollar and is undermined by repeated debt-payment defaults. The economic crisis drives many Argentines to barter.

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Categories: Overview | Political | Economic | Social | Environmental | Rule of Law | Trade Policy | Money
Graphs: Growth | Income | Inflation | Unemployment | Well-being | Trade Volume | Trade (CAB) | Spending

Related: Video | LinksView all categories for years from to | See Full Report | Print