Trade Policy Not Just a Rust Belt Concern Anymore
by Lori Wallach, Director of Public Citizen’s Global Trade Watch division

If you listen to some corporate lobbyists and Beltway pundits, you’d think that only blue-collar workers without college degrees working in a Rust Belt factory should be concerned about NAFTA-style trade agreements. Not so.
Did you know that Alan Blinder, a former Fed vice-chairman, Princeton economics professor, and NAFTA-WTO supporter, says that 40 million American service sector jobs could be offshored in the foreseeable future? Economy.Com estimates (PDF) that nearly one million such jobs already have been “offshored” since early 2001 alone – one in six of those in information technology, engineering, and financial services.
Current U.S. trade policy represses the wage growth of all – not just manufacturing – workers. Trade does not affect the total number of jobs in the economy, but rather the composition and wages of jobs available. The claim that trade liberalization creates net benefits is premised on the notion that the losses caused by offshoring are outweighed by the gains in lower consumer prices from imported goods and services. But, as the grandfather of trade macroeconomic theory, Professor Paul Samuelson, noted in a landmark 2004 article (PDF), the theory and reality disconnect if the jobs being lost are the high-wage professional and service sector jobs now being increasingly offshored.
These facts might explain why now nearly three-quarters of Americans making more than $100,000 a year say that the trade status quo is a net negative.
It is true that the more than 70 percent of Americans who don’t have a college degree have been clobbered by NAFTA. This group turned against Democrats in the 1994 elections after the passage of NAFTA by a Democratic-controlled Congress blurred the partisan lines on economic issues, delivering control of Congress to Republicans who campaigned on a “God, guns and gays” platform. It was also this demographic that helped Democrats retake Congress – after the party opposed CAFTA almost to a one in 2005 and in 2006 campaigned nationwide for a new fair trade agenda.
And, the threat our current trade policy poses for the environment and consumer safety are equally serious. NAFTA-model trade pacts – like those now being proposed for Peru, Panama and beyond – establish outrageous foreign investor privileges that not only create incentives (PDF) for U.S. firms to move offshore, but also expose our most basic (PDF) environmental, health, zoning and other laws to attack in foreign tribunals. These rules in NAFTA have resulted in nearly 50 challenges of federal and state laws, leading to more than $36 million in taxpayer funds from NAFTA nations being paid to corporations.
And while 20 percent of the food we eat is imported, less than one percent of most categories of imported food are inspected. This, combined with inadequate inspections for other imported products, leads to the kinds of scares that we’ve seen with tainted toothpaste and toxic toy trains. Our current trade agreements set limits on how rigorous our product and food safety standards can be, limit how intensively we can inspect imports and actually requiring us to import meat that does not meet U.S. safety standards.
The choice is not between the status quo trade model and no trade. Rather, at issue is under what rules we will trade. Given the lived experience under the NAFTA model, it’s hardly surprising that most Americans – and a great many elected officials – oppose staying the course on the failed status quo. For more information on the trade state of play, visit our website and our blog.



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