Contents
Overview
Born: February 6, 1911; Tampico, Illinois... Barely three months into his presidency, Ronald Reagan was wounded during an assassination attempt outside of a Washington, DC hotel... Boldly declaring that "government is the problem," Reagan took advantage of the electoral mandate he had won to craft an agenda that stood in stark contrast to the philosophies of the New Deal and the Great Society. Unabashedly in favor of deregulation and lower taxes, he nevertheless vastly increased the military budget and swelled the national deficit. Despite charges that he was little more than an out-of-touch mouthpiece for conservative policies, he enjoyed a level of public affection not seen since FDR and Eisenhower.
Did you know? - Read some fun facts about Ronald Reagan
- Acquired immunodeficiency syndrome (AIDS) first diagnosed (1981)
- Equal Rights Amendment fails to win ratification (1982)
- 1984 Summer Olympics held in Los Angeles
- Geraldine Ferraro becomes first woman to run for vice presidency on major party ticket (1984)
- TV program thirtysomething portrays babyboomers as adults (1987)
- Rhodesia is renamed Zimbabwe (1980)
- South African archbishop Desmond Tutu receives Nobel Peace Prize (1984)
- Corazon Aquino leads the Phillippines (1986)
World Timeline - See a timeline of world events during Ronald Reagan's administration.
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Reagan was no stranger to seemingly dismal situations. His childhood was marked by poverty, an alcoholic father and a long-suffering, "do-gooder" mother. Despite this, Reagan early on embraced an optimistic outlook that often defied the reality around him. In time, his rosy perspective and faith in better days ahead would win over legions.
The youngest of John and Nelle Reagan's two sons, Ronald Reagan was born on February 6, 1911 in Tampico, Illinois. When Ronald -- his family called him "Dutch" -- was nine, the Reagans moved to nearby Dixon. What little money John Reagan earned as a shoe salesman was often squandered on his drinking binges. As an adult, Reagan would say of his boyhood, "We didn't live on the wrong side of the tracks, but we lived so close to them we could hear the whistle real loud." But the future president appeared to gain wisdom from his meager beginnings, later reporting, "...I learned the real riches of rags."
Reagan's mother, Nelle, instilled in her son her belief in the essential goodness of all people and the importance of religious devotion. She encouraged Ron to participate in Disciples of Christ church activities and doctrine. Young Ron was especially drawn to the sect's strict abhorrence to alcohol. Not yet a teenager, Reagan honed his public speaking skills drumming up support for Prohibition.
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During his teenage years, Reagan's summer months were spent as a lifeguard on the banks of the Rock River. It was a role that allowed him to shine. All day, seven days a week, Reagan -- lean, tall, and tan -- would command center stage at Lowell Park. From 1927 through 1932, Reagan pulled 77 people from the perils of the swift Rock River current.
Following college graduation, Reagan landed a job as a radio announcer at WOC in Davenport, Iowa and later at WHO in Des Moines. He quickly realized he was in a position "...of getting into a new industry and riding it to the top." An often repeated tale of Reagan's radio days recounts how he delivered "play-by-play broadcasts" of Chicago Cubs baseball games he had never seen. His flawless recitations were based solely on telegraph accounts of games in progress.
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Of the more than 50 films Reagan appeared in, two stand apart. In Knute Rockne -- All American, he was cast as George Gipp, who implored Knute Rockne to "win just one for the Gipper." Reagan delivered what he considered to be his finest performance as Drake McHugh in the 1941 film, King's Row. Shocked to discover he has had his legs amputated by a vengeful surgeon, Reagan, as McHugh, exclaims, "Where's the rest of me?" Reagan later used that line as the title of his autobiography, perhaps indicating ambitions beyond the silver screen.
Raised on the doctrines of the New Deal, Ronald Reagan underwent a political metamorphosis during the 1940s and 50s. Spurred on by his fear of "communist infiltration in American society," Reagan began to adopt a conservative outlook. Appearing before the House Un-American Activities Committee in 1947, Reagan cited factions within Hollywood that were "more or less following the tactics we associate with the Communist Party." Elected that year as president of the Screen Actors Guild, Reagan successfully negotiated union contracts and endeavored to keep communists from gaining influence in the film industry. As he gained prominence for his skillful execution of the S.G.A. presidency, his personal life suffered. His nine-year marriage to actress Jane Wyman came to an end over her reported displeasure with his increased political activism.
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In 1954, the General Electric Corporation asked Reagan to host their weekly television series. In addition to his hosting duties, Reagan traveled to GE plants across the country seeking out the opinions of workers and boosting their morale. He grew increasingly sympathetic toward "overburdened" taxpayers and innovative corporations hamstrung by excessive government regulation. Reagan's extensive travel on behalf of G.E. gave him ample opportunity to hone his skills as a public speaker and conservative spokesperson.
With his 1964 speech in support of Barry Goldwater, Reagan minced no words in portraying "big government" as an impediment to individual freedom:
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Reagan's rallying cry grabbed the attention of middle-class voters in California who saw costly Great Society programs as a threat to their standard of living. Reagan's genial demeanor helped make voters more comfortable with what he was saying. In 1966, political novice Reagan beat out five experienced candidates to win the Republican nomination for governor with sixty-five percent of the vote. Months later, he unseated incumbent Edmund "Pat" Brown to become governor of California. Brown, whom Reagan beat by more than one million votes, later surmised he had made the mistake of regarding Reagan as little more than a B-level actor.
Reagan's tenure as governor got off to a rocky start. He and his staff of admitted "novice amateurs" knew little about the intricacies of state government. In an effort to reign in state spending, Reagan instituted an across-the-board ten percent budget cut. When it failed to produce the desired results, Reagan was actually forced to raise taxes by $1 billion. Claiming his hand was forced by exploding welfare costs and mistakes made by his predecessor, Reagan remained popular with voters who re-elected him in 1970.
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In 1976, Reagan challenged President Gerald Ford for the Republican presidential nomination. Beaten soundly in the early primaries, Reagan was determined to take his message, touting a return to "American values" and a reduced federal government, to the people. His effort to gain the nomination fell short by only sixty delegates. But 1976 would prove to be just a dress rehearsal for Reagan's impressive performance in 1980 when he soundly defeated Jimmy Carter to capture the White House.
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The recession of 1981-82 resulted in record unemployment, bank failures, and farm foreclosures. Critics charged that such dire circumstances were the result of "Reaganomics" -- substantial reductions in government assistance and services, coupled with tax cuts. For his part, Reagan maintained that the faltering economy was the legacy of excessive government growth and spending on the part of his predecessors. He urged the nation to "stay the course," and promised that better days were just around the corner.
Ronald Reagan was a firm believer in the "wisdom of the marketplace." Early in his administration he said, "We who live in free market societies believe that growth, prosperity, and ultimately human fulfillment, are created from the bottom up, not the government down." In Reagan's estimation, the less involved the government was in the affairs of businesses and individuals, the more prosperous the nation as a whole would become. Reagan lobbied Congress to enact significant tax cuts, while he drastically scaled back government spending. As federal funding for many social services programs were cut, responsibility for efforts such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children and school lunches was shifted to individual states. Reagan called this the "new federalism." His critics called it cold-hearted Hooverism.
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Midway through his first term, economic conditions did improve. Reagan's stimulus package resulted in decreased inflation and increased employment. Wall Street responded robustly to the upturn in the economy. Beginning in late 1982, the nation enjoyed the longest economic peacetime expansion since World War II. By 1984, a majority of Americans were feeling better about their economic situation, and credited Reagan for making it possible. Few gave serious consideration to an exploding federal deficit, fueled by tax cuts and record spending for defense, and an increasing disparity between the rich and poor.
The rising economic tide of the 1980s did not lift all boats. By 1984, thirteen million children lived below the poverty line. Conditions in the inner cities grew more desperate as relief services were cut off. While corporate executives enjoyed record profits, legions of blue collar workers saw their jobs shipped to other countries where wages were lower. Observers used the term "social Darwinism" to describe an economy where only the strong survived. But Reagan believed that these people, too, would benefit from a "trickle-down" economy where increased wealth would find its way into every facet of society.
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The economic exuberance of the mid-1980s came to an abrupt halt on October 19, 1987 when the stock market fell more than 500 points. The tumble was seen, in some quarters, as a result of fiscal recklessness encouraged by the Reagan administration. As the national deficit approached $3 trillion, the wisdom of Reaganomics was very much put into question.
Far into the 1990s, debate continued over the legacy of Ronald Reagan's domestic agenda. Supporters pointed to the 118 million new jobs that were created, and increased trade with other nations. Detractors assailed what they saw as irresponsible deregulation resulting in threats to public health and safety.
Ronald Reagan: hero or villain? In large part, people's perceptions of the man's domestic initiatives depended on how they were affected by them. One fact appeared indisputable: for better or worse, Reagan made a lasting impact.
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While he lacked a sophisticated understanding of Soviet history or ideology, Reagan believed the one thing the USSR respected was strength. Early on, Reagan made no overtures to thaw Cold War tensions between the two superpowers. His strategy was to wait and see how the Soviets would react to a drastic increase in U.S. defense spending. He was confident that the Soviet economic system would not allow them to keep pace with the U.S. in an arms race.
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Reagan's zeal to defeat communism was not limited to direct U.S.-Soviet relations. He was willing to lend U.S. support to any faction, any where, fending off communist control. Such was the case in Angola, Afghanistan, and most especially in Central America. Within days of taking office, Reagan suspended U.S. aid to Nicaragua and declared his support for contra rebels fighting to overthrow the newly installed Marxist-led Sandinista regime. With memories of Vietnam still fresh, Reagan knew the public would not abide direct U.S. military intervention in the affairs of another nation. Consequently, the CIA was employed to indirectly support the contras militarily. When word surfaced in 1984 that the CIA had mined Nicaraguan harbors, Congress passed the Boland Amendment outlawing further U.S. military assistance to the contras. Reagan viewed the amendment as short-sighted and politically motivated. He made clear his determination to continue supporting the contras, whom he called "the moral equivalent of our founding fathers," through alternative means. This decision would eventually lead to a foreign policy embarrassment and a constitutional crisis known as the Iran-Contra affair.
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Investigations during the Iran-contra affair revealed a "shadow government," operating without public knowledge or congressional approval, being run out of the White House. For months, Reagan refused to admit that arms were traded for hostages -- that he had, indeed, negotiated with terrorists. Meanwhile, congressional hearings were convened to investigate the illegal diversion of funds to the contras. The all-too-familiar question of "what did the president know, and when did he know it," summoned up the ghosts of Watergate.
Reagan administration operatives testified that the president had no direct knowledge of the diversion of funds. Still, a portrait emerged of a chief executive who had little knowledge of, and less control over, the actions of his subordinates. The congressional committee's final report asserted that Reagan had failed to "take care that the laws be faithfully executed." To Reagan's detractors, the Iran-Contra scandal confirmed that he was little more than an "amiable dunce," while his supporters applauded his circumvention of pesky congressional oversight.
By the end of his second term, Reagan's hard-line foreign policy had produced significant results. His summit meetings with reform-minded Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev yielded the first treaties in history reducing the nuclear arsenals of both nations. Such breakthroughs did not come without stumbling blocks, however. Gorbachev was eager to salvage the Soviet economy by ending the arms race, but was fearful of U.S. development of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI). SDI was Reagan's pet project. As he envisioned it, SDI would allow the construction of a "peace shield" that would protect the U.S. from incoming nuclear missiles. Though derided by some in the U.S. as a "star wars" fantasy, SDI was taken seriously by the Soviets. Reagan held tough in insisting that its development continue. Eventually, Gorbachev relented. By the time Reagan visited Moscow -- the capital of what he once called "an evil empire" -- late in 1988, the Cold War was coming to an end.
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Polls indicated that Reagan's appeal transcended traditional boundaries of class, age, and even political party. "Reagan Democrats" consisted largely of blue-collar voters who had turned away from the party of Franklin Roosevelt and Big Government. Additionally, young voters, historically pro-Democrat, now populated Reagan rallies with cries of "Four more years!" Democratic presidential nominee Walter Mondale further eroded his standings in the polls when he brazenly admitted that he would raise taxes if elected. (His contention was that Reagan would do likewise, he just wouldn't admit it.) For their part, Reagan's team all but ignored Mondale. Their campaign ads never even mentioned his name. Instead, Reagan's television spots presented idyllic images of "Morning in America": weddings, flag-raisings, home buying, and peaceful, scenic vistas. Ronald Reagan, the ads implied, had made all this possible.
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Reagan's handlers knew their candidate would face his harshest test during two live debates with Mondale. Known as an "issues man," Mondale was eager to impress voters with his mastery of detail. In preparation for a Louisville, Kentucky, debate on domestic issues, Reagan's team inundated him with notebooks and position papers, taxing both his memory and attention span. By the night of the debate, the always telegenic Reagan appeared off-balance and a bit befuddled. Post-debate polls showed that "the age factor" (Reagan was 73 years old) was becoming an election issue. With another debate looming, Reagan's team re-thought their strategy.
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Soon after Reagan's overwhelming victory -- he bested Mondale with 59% of the popular vote and the largest electoral landslide in history -- reports of an out-of-touch chief executive began to emerge with regularity. As the members of his inner circle moved on, Reagan was left vulnerable by a staff that had little appreciation of the special handling the president required.
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Reagan believed in the promise of the American Dream. In an era of growing cynicism, he proclaimed America a place where "everyone can rise as high and as far as his ability will take him," and pointed to his own meager beginnings as proof.
Promising to cut taxes and reduce spending, while restoring America's prestige abroad, Reagan soundly defeated Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential election. Less than three months into his administration, Reagan was shot in an assassination attempt outside of a Washington, D.C. hotel. Arriving at the emergency room, the 70-year-old president confessed to his wife, "I forgot to duck." Such poise and good humor in the face of a life-threatening wound went far in securing public goodwill.
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Known as the Great Communicator, Reagan modestly explained, "I wasn't a great communicator, but I communicated great things." In the style of Theodore Roosevelt, Reagan never tired of preaching the doctrine of American can-do-ism. In times of tragedy, such as when the space shuttle Challenger exploded, Reagan's soothing words gave comfort to a grieving nation. Even his political adversaries admitted to having an admiration for his personable approach to leadership. House Speaker Thomas "Tip" O'Neill, with whom Reagan clashed on many issues, surmised, "There's just something about the guy that people like. They want him to be a success."
Reagan's ability to escape accountability for the mistakes and misdeeds of those around him led to his being called the Teflon president: nothing would stick to him. Time and again polls indicated that while Americans did not always share Reagan's views on any number of issues, and often questioned his aptitude for the job, they nonetheless supported his single-minded determination to achieve the goals he held most dear.
Reagan's
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Even Ronald Reagan could not have foreseen how swiftly change would sweep Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Shortly after Reagan left office, the Berlin Wall was taken down and Gorbachev dissolved the Soviet Union.
Historians
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There was a bitter irony in the fact that Reagan, once a brilliant raconteur who so delighted in entertaining friends and aides with stories of his past, had been robbed of the ability to access those tales. The man who left the White House with the highest approval rating of any modern president reportedly had little memory of having lived there.
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