I'm sure you all must know the depth of my gratitude for this honor you have
done me. What you can't know is how great is my feeling of unworthiness. For
some 25 years I have nursed a feeling of guilt about the degree given me here
upon the occasion of my own graduation. It was, I feel, more honorary than
earned and for all these years I have carefully refrained from referring to
myself as a "student" here. My very instinct is to mumble a modest "thanks" and
sit down, but that retreat is denied me. Inherent in my invitation is the
obligation to make some remarks appropriate to this occasion which shall climax
your years of academic endeavor. I do not take this responsibility lightly.
Realizing there are many present who are better qualified to perform this
function, I have inquired right down to the start of the Processional as to an
appropriate theme.
There was a temptation of course to beg your favor by citing the mistakes of my
generation, dwelling on the awful site of the world and suggesting that you
would bring order out of chaos and set things right. I'm not that pessimistic,
however, and would be less than honest and sincere if I chose such a course.
With your permission I would rather speak of something very close to my heart.
You members of the graduating class of 1957 are today coming into your
inheritance. You are taking your adult places in a society unique in the
history of man's tribal relations. I would like to play the role of a "legal
light" in the reading of the will, and to discuss with you the terms and
conditions of your legacy.
Looming large in your inheritance is this country, this land America, placed as
it is between two great oceans. Those who discovered and pioneered it had to
have rare qualities of courage and imagination nor did these qualities stop
there. Even the modern-day immigrants have been possessed of courage beyond
that of their neighbors. The courage to tear up centuries-old roots and leave
their homelands, to come to this land where even the language was strange. Such
courage is part of our inheritance, all of us spring from these special people
and these qualities have contributed to the make-up of the American
personality.
There are conditions to this "will" of which I speak. There are terms the heirs
must meet in order to qualify for the legacy. But, I have never been able to
believe that America is just a reward for those of extra courage and
resourcefulness. This is a land of destiny and our forefathers found their way
here by some Divine system of selective service gathered here to fulfill a
mission to advance man a further step in his climb from the swamps.
Almost two centuries ago a group of disturbed men met in the small Pennsylvania
State House they gathered to decide on a course of action. Behind the locked
and guarded doors they debated for hours whether or not to sign the Declaration
which had been presented for their consideration. For hours the talk was
treason and its price the headsman's axe, the gallows and noose. The talk went
on and decision was not forthcoming. Then, Jefferson writes, a voice was heard
coming from the balcony:
They may stretch our necks on all the gibbets in the land. They may turn
every tree into a gallows, every home into a grave, and yet the words of that
parchment can never die. They may pour our blood on a thousand scaffolds and
yet from every drop that dyes the axe a new champion of freedom will spring
into birth. The words of this declaration will live long after our bones are
dust.
To the mechanic in his workshop they will speak hope; to the slave in the
mines, freedom; but to the coward rulers, these words will speak in tones of
warning they cannot help but hear. Sign that parchment. Sign if the next
moment the noose is around your neck. Sign if the next minute this hall rings
with the clash of falling axes! Sign by all your hopes in life or death, not
only for yourselves but for all ages, for that parchment will be the textbook
of freedom the bible of the rights of man forever.
Were my soul trembling on the verge of eternity, my hand freezing in death, I
would still implore you to remember this truth God has given America to be
free.
As he finished, the speaker sank back in his seat exhausted. Inspired by his
eloquence the delegates rushed forward to sign the Declaration of Independence.
When they turned to thank the speaker for his timely words he couldn't be found
and to this day no one knows who he was or how he entered or left the guarded
room.
Here was the first challenge to the people of this new land, the charging of
this nation with a responsibility to all mankind. And down through the years
with but few lapses the people of America have fulfilled their destiny.
Almost a century and a half after that day in Philadelphia, this nation entered
a great world conflict in Europe. Volumes of cynical words have been written
about that war and our part in it. Our motives have been questioned and there
has been talk of ulterior motives in high places, of world markets and balance
of power. But all the words of all the cynics cannot erase the fact that
millions of Americans sacrificed, fought and many died in the sincere and
selfless belief that they were making the world safe for democracy and
advancing the cause of freedom for all men.
A quarter of a century later America went into World War II, and never in the
history of man had the issues of right and wrong been so clearly defined, so
much so that it makes one question how anyone could have remained neutral. And
again in the greatest mass undertaking the world has ever seen, America
fulfilled her destiny.
A short time after that war was concluded a plane was winging its way across
the Pacific Ocean. It contained dignitaries of the Philippines and of our own
government. Landing at a naval installation a short distance from Manila, the
plane was held there while those people listened by radio to the first
detonation of an experimental atomic weapon at the Bikini Atoll. Then the
plane took to the air again and soon landed in Manila. There these people,
together with our vice president, senators, generals and admirals, met with
250,000 Philippines in the Grand Concourse, where they watched the American
flag come down and the flag of the Philippine independence take its place.
I was privileged to sit in an auditorium one night and hear one of the
passengers on that plane, a great man of the Philippines, describe this scene,
General Carlos Romulo, whose father was killed by American soldiers in the
Philippine insurrection. As a boy, the General was taught to be a guerrilla and
to fight Americans and hate them. But I saw him, with tears in his eyes, tell
us how he turned to his wife that day in Manila and said, a hundred years from
now will our children's children learn in their schoolrooms that on this day an
atomic weapon was detonated for the first time on a Pacific Island, or will
they learn that on another Pacific Island a great and powerful nation, which
had bled the flower of its youth into the sands of the island's beaches
reconquering them from a savage enemy, had on this day turned to the people of
that island and for the first time in the history of man's relationship to man
had said, 'Here, we've taken your country back for you. It's yours. As we heard
him, I think most of us realized once again the magnitude of the challenge of
our destiny, that here indeed is "the last best hope of man on earth."
And now today we find ourselves involved in another struggle this time called a
cold war. This cold war between great sovereign nations isn't really a new
struggle at all. It is the oldest struggle of human kind, as old as man
himself. This is a simple struggle between those of us who believe that rnan
has the dignity and sacred right and the ability to choose and shape his own
destiny and those who do not so believe. This irreconcilable conflict is
between those who believe in the sanctity of individual freedom and those who
believe in the supremacy of the state.
In a phase of this struggle not widely known, some of us came toe to toe with
this enemy this evil force in our own community in Hollywood, and make no
mistake about it, this is an evil force. Don't be deceived because you are not
hearing the sound of gunfire, because even so you are fighting for your lives.
And you're fighting against the best organized and the most capable enemy of
freedom and of right and decency that has ever been abroad in the world. Some
years ago, back in the thirties, a man who was apparently just a technician
came to Hollywood to take a job in our industry, an industry whose commerce is
in tinsel and colored lights and make-believe. He went to work in the studios,
and there were few to know he came to our town on direct orders from the
Kremlin. When he quietly left our town a few years later the cells had been
formed and planted in virtually all of our organizations, our guilds and
unions. The framework for the Communist front organizations had been
established.
It was some time later, under the guise of a jurisdictional strike involving a
dispute between two unions, that we saw war come to Hollywood. Suddenly there
were 5,000 tin-hatted, club- carrying pickets outside the studio gates. We saw
some of our people caught by these hired henchmen; we saw them open car doors
and put their arms across them and break them until they hung straight down the
side of the car, and then these tin-hatted men would send our people on into
the studio. We saw our so- called glamour girls, who certainly had to be
conscious of what a scar on the face or a broken nose could mean careerwise
going through those picket lines day after day without complaint. Nor did they
falter when they found the bus which they used for transportation to and from
work in flames from a bomb that had been thrown into it just before their
arrival. Two blocks from the studio everyone would get down on hands and knees
on the floor to avoid the bricks and stones coming through the windows. And the
5,000 pickets out there in their tin hats weren't even motion picture workers.
They were maritime workers from the water-front-members of Mr. Harry Bridges'
union.
We won our fight in Hollywood cleared them out after seven long months in which
even homes were broken, months in which many of us carried arms that were
granted us by the police, and in which policemen lived in our homes, guarding
our children at night. And what of the quiet film technician who had left our
town before the fighting started? Well, in 1951 he turned up on the Monterey
Peninsula where he was involved in a union price-fixing conspiracy. Two years
ago he appeared on the New York waterfront where he was Harry Bridges' right
hand man in an attempt to establish a liaison between the New York and West
Coast waterfront workers. And a few months ago he was mentioned in the speech
of a U.S. Congresswoman who was thanking him for his help in framing labor
legislation. He is a registered lobbyist in Washington for Harry Bridges.
Now that the first flush of victory is over we in Hollywood find ourselves
blessed with a newly developed social awareness. We have allowed ourselves to
become a sort of a village idiot on the fringe of the industrial scene fair
game for any demagogue or bigot who wants to stand up in the pulpit or platform
and attack us. We are also fair game for those people, well-meaning though they
may be, who believe that the answer to the world's ills is more government and
more restraint and more regimentation. Suddenly we find that we are a group of
second class citizens subject to discriminatory taxation, government
interference and harassment.
This harassment reaches its peak, of course, in censorship. Here in this great
land of the free exchange of ideas our section of the communications industry
is subjected to political censorship in more than 200 cities and 11 states and
it's spreading every day. But are we the only victims of these restraints and
restrictions on our personal freedom? Is censorship really a restriction on us
who already have a voluntary censorship code of good taste, or is this an
invasion of your freedom? Isn't this the case of a few of your neighbors
taking it upon themselves the right to tell you what you are capable of seeing
and hearing on a motion picture screen?
So we worry a little about the class of '57, we who are older and have known
another day. We worry that perhaps someday you might not resist as strongly as
we would if someone decides to tell you what you can read in a newspaper, or
hear on the radio, or hear from a speaker's platform, or what you can say or
what you can think. So there are terrns and conditions to the will, and one of
the terms is your own eternal vigilance guarding against restrictions on our
American freedom.
You today are smarter than we were. You are better educated and better informed
than we were twenty-five years ago. And that is part of your heritage. You
enjoy these added benefits because, more than 100 years ago near this very
spot, a man plunged an ax into a tree and said, here we will build a school for
our children." And for over 100 years people have contributed to the endowment
and support of this college. Their contributions were of the utmost in
generosity because they could never know the handclasp of gratitude in return
for their contributions. Their gifts were to generations yet unborn.
Many of us here share this heritage with you, and some of us shared it under
different circumstances. I recall my own days on this campus in the depths of
the depression. Even with study and reading I don't think you can quite
understand what it was like to live in an America where the Illinois National
Guard, with fixed bayonets, paraded down Michigan Avenue in Chicago as a
warning to the more than half million unemployed men who slept every night in
alleys and doorways under newspapers. On this campus many of us came who
brought not one cent to help this school and pay for our education. The
college, of course, had suffered and lost much of its endowment in the stock
crash, had seen its revenue not only from endowment but from gifts curtailed
because of the great financial chaos. But we heard none of that. We attended a
college that made it possible for us to attend regardless of our lack of means,
that created jobs for us, so that we could eat and sleep, and that allowed us
to defer our tuition and trusted that they could get paid some day long after
we had gone. And the professors, God bless them, on this campus, the most
dedicated group of men and women whom I have ever known, went long months
without drawing any pay. Sometimes the college, with a donation of a little
money or produce from a farm, would buy groceries and dole them out to the
teachers to at least try and provide them with food. We know something of your
heritage, but even if we had been able to pay as many of you have paid for your
education we, and you, must realize that the total price paid by any student of
this college is far less than it costs this college to educate you. This is
true not only of Eureka, but of the hundreds of schools and universities across
the land.
Now today as you prepare to leave your Alma Mater, you go into a world in
which, due to our carelessness and apathy, a great many of our freedoms have
been lost. It isn't that an outside enemy has taken them. It's just that there
is something inherent in government which makes it, when it isn't controlled,
continue to grow. So today for every seven of us sitting here in this lovely
outdoor theater, there is one public servant, and 31 cents of every dollar
earned in America goes in taxes. To support the multitudinous and gigantic
functions of government, taxation is levied which tends to dry up the very
sources of contributions and donations to colleges like Eureka. So in this time
of prosperity we find these church schools, these small independent colleges
and even the larger universities, hard put to maintain themselves and to
continue doing the job they have done so unselfishly and well for all these
years. Observe the contrast between these small church colleges and our
government, because, as I have said before, these have always given far more
than was ever given to them in return.
Class of 1957, it will be part of the terms of the will for you to take stock
in the days to come, because we enjoy a form of government in which mistakes
can be rectified. The dictator can never admit he was wrong, but we are blessed
with a form of government where we can call a halt, and say, "Back up. Let's
take another look. " Remember that every government service, every offer of
government financed security, is paid for in the loss of personal freedom. I am
not castigating government and business for those many areas of normal
cooperation, for those services that we know we must have and that we do
willingly support. It is very easy to give up our personal freedom to drive 90
miles an hour down a city street in return for the safety that we will get for
ourselves and our loved ones. Of course, that might not be a good example it
seems sometimes that this is a thing we have paid for in advance and the
merchandise hasn't yet been delivered. But in the days to come whenever a voice
is raised telling you to let the government do it, analyze very carefully to
see whether the suggested service is worth the personal freedom which you must
forego in return for such service.
There are many well-meaning people today who work at placing an economic floor
beneath all of us so that no one shall exist below a certain level or standard
of living, and certainly we don't quarrel with this. But look more closely and
you may find that all too often these well-meaning people are building a
ceiling above which no one shall be permitted to climb and between the two are
pressing us all into conformity, into a mold of standardized mediocrity. The
tendency toward assembly-line education in some of our larger institutions,
where we are not teaching but training to fulfill certain specific jobs in the
economic life of our nation, is a part of this same pattern.
We have a vast system of public education in this country, a network of great
state universities and colleges and none of us would have it otherwise. But
there are those among us who urge expansion of this system until all education
is by way of tax- supported institutions. Today we enjoy academic freedom in
America as it is enjoyed nowhere else in the world. But this pattern was
established by the independent secular and church colleges of our land schools
like Eureka. Down through the years these colleges and universities have
maintained intellectual freedom because they were beholden to no political
group, for when politics control the purse strings, they also control the
policy. No one advocates the elimination of our tax-supported universities,
but we should never forget that their academic freedom is assured only so long
as we have the leavening influence of hundreds of privately endowed colleges
and universities throughout the land.
So you should resolve, here and now, that you will not only accept your
heritage but abide by the terms and conditions of the will. You should firmly
resolve that these schools will not just be a part of America's past, but that
they will continue to be a part of America's great future. Democracy with the
personal freedoms that are ours we hold literally in trust for that day when we
shall have fulfilled our destiny and brought mankind a great and long step from
the swamps. Can we deliver it to our children? Democracy depends upon service
voluntarily rendered, money voluntarily contributed.
These institutions which have contributed so much to us, from which we have
received so much of our heritage, were here for our benefit only because our
forefathers preferred voluntarily to support institutions of their choice in
addition to sharing taxation for the support of governmental institutions. The
will provides, class of 1957, not only that you receive this heritage and
cherish it, but that you voluntarily tax your own time and your own money and
contribute to these free institutions so that generations not yet born in this
country and in the rest of the world, may benefit from this same heritage of
freedom.
It will be very easy for you to say, "Well, I will do something, some day. When
I can afford it, I am going to." But would you let an old "grad" tell you one
thing now? Giving is a habit. Get into the habit now, because you will never be
able to afford to give and contribute, thus to repay the obligation you owe to
those people who made this college possible, if you wait until you think you
can afford it. Start now regardless of how small, and in the days to come when
you are confronted with demands for many worthwhile causes and charities I
think you will find that you will give dutifully to all the worthy ones. But
here and there you will pick one or two that will be favorites, and you can do
no better than to pick this, your Alma Mater, because you will not only be
repaying your own personal obligations, you will be making your contribution to
the very process which has made and continues to keep America great.
This democracy of ours which sometimes we've treated so lightly, is more than
ever a comfortable cloak, so let us not tear it asunder, for no man knows once
it is destroyed where or when he will find its protective warmth again.
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