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Should we modify affirmative action
policies to be based on socioeconomic status as opposed to race?
Wouldn't this get at the heart of the lack of opportunities and
the problem that affirmative action is trying to solve?
| Dalton Conley |
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It's certainly one idea to use class. The advantages are
that it pre-empts a couple of the major criticisms of affirmative
action policy as it now stands. If you make it a class-based
system, it becomes less obviously coded with race and therefore
less stigmatizing. It also might ensure that these policies
get to the people who need it the most; i.e., poor minorities.
But if class is interpreted in traditional ways (using parental
income or education level), you're going to perpetuate the
system as it is now. You must factor in wealth or assets
in order to address the real roots of disparity. It is in
the area of wealth where the greatest disparities exist
by race. Today, a typical white family has eight times the
wealth of the typical black family - that statistic is not
explainable by income or other factors. So if we were to
use class instead of race, I would suggest that it be done
based primarily on wealth, and secondarily on income and
education level. Then you might have a racially progressive
policy that's ostensibly colorblind. But if you do it any
other way, you're just going to reinforce the existing inequality.
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| John Cheng |
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The complicating thing about this is that race and class
are intermixed in a way that they can't actually be separated.
Race in a way gets used to qualify class. As the documentary
shows very well, the post-war circumstances that created
a suburban middle class was also implicitly racial: it was
predominantly white at the expense of blacks. Because we
focus on its racial effect, we forget that post-war housing
programs were class-based policies aimed at increasing opportunities
for social mobility and economic stability. That it produced
a new form of white privilege wasn't part of the consideration.
You could argue it was assumed or it wasn't significant
enough for policymakers to address. Either way, class policy
also produced new and probably unintended dimensions to
race. So if we try to set up policies to address class,
it wouldn't necessarily address race as it could potentially
evolve, or even the social consequences of racism that already
exist. It's problematic to de-couple the two.
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| David Freund |
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I think also that affluent racial minorities face an enormous
amount of discrimination in their educational and professional
lives: they're passed over for promotions, they get different
treatment from educators, their contributions are often
not given equal weight. While I agree that there's a lot
to be said for an affirmative action agenda that is partially
class derived, affluence and status alone don't necessarily
make a person of color's experience a smoother one, even
in the middle-class, white-collar professional world. It
does not address the issue of fair treatment in society
more generally. As many people have noted, and as jazz musician
Branford Marsalis captured really nicely on one of his albums,
affluence and status don't mean that a black man can get
a taxi-cab in Manhattan.
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| Sumi Cho |
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You know, attacks on affirmative action that play the "class
card" are really quite ironic. People who have been at the
forefront of crafting affirmative action policies have in
fact often pursued race and class policies. For example,
the affirmative action program at UC Davis medical school
which was stricken by the Supreme Court in the historic
1978 Bakke case was a race and class program. Through
a series of conservative legal decisions and political maneuvering,
these race/class forms of affirmative action were defeated.
And let's not kid ourselves - the elite in this country
have never been about equalizing opportunities based on
class. In the 1973 Rodriguez case out of Texas, for
example, the Supreme Court found that wildly disparate school
financing districts did not contradict the principle of
equal protection. As a legal system and as a society, we
have not really been about class equalization and it is
disingenous to try to create a zero-sum game between class
politics and affirmative action. The truth is that class-based
programs will result in an overall net gain for whites and
a net loss for the groups of color currently benefiting
from affirmative action. Any class-based policies we advocate
must, therefore, not displace existing race-based ones.
Otherwise we will do no better than post-Civil War Southern
plantation society which bought poor whites' loyalty at
the expense of freed slaves.
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| Dalton Conley |
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Ultimately, there's no exact substitute for
race, but I do want to say, you know, race has been used to
divide people with the same economic interests for so long.
Personally, I think there are potential benefits to using
a very progressive class-based approach that may outweigh
the costs of not addressing the taxi-hailing issue. But again,
it's how you do it. |
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