Background: What Next?

KWAME HOLMAN:

After hearing from the two chief weapons inspectors ambassadors agreed Iraq's declaration was incomplete, but they gave differing interpretations of what should happen next. British U.N. Ambassador Jeremy Greenstock:

SIR JEREMY GREENSTOCK:

There are a whole number of areas that should have been accounted for in this declaration that have not been accounted for, and that amounts, in our view, to a rejection by Iraq of the opportunity that Resolution 1441 afforded to deal with those areas and clear our minds. And therefore, there is further work to do.

KWAME HOLMAN:

Russian Ambassador Lavrov said it was not up to one Security Council member to declare Iraq in material breach.

SERGEI LAVROV:

We repeatedly said that we have been hearing allegations that Iraq does continue its WMD programs. We have heard it many times. We never saw any evidence that this is the case. We don't know whether this is true or not, and we want this to be verified by professionals, by UNMOVIC and by IAEA. To say that we know but we wouldn't tell you is not something which is persuasive, frankly speaking. It's not a poker game when you hold your cards and call others' bluff.

KWAME HOLMAN:

In Washington this afternoon, Secretary of State Colin Powell said…

COLIN POWELL:

The inspectors said that Iraq has failed to provide new information. We agree. Indeed, thousands of the document's pages are merely a resubmission of material it gave the United Nations years ago– material that the U.N. has already determined was incomplete. Other sections of the Iraqi declaration consist of long passages copied from reports written by the United Nations and the International Atomic Energy Agency. The only changes the Iraqi regime made were to remove references critical to its own conduct. The declaration totally fails to address what we had learned about Iraq's prohibited weapons programs before the inspectors were effectively forced out in 1998. Nor does the declaration address questions that have arisen since the inspectors left in 1998.

For example, we know that in the late 1990s, Iraq built mobile biological weapons production units — yet the declaration tries to wave this away, mentioning only mobile refrigeration vehicles and food-testing laboratories. Most brazenly of all, the Iraqi declaration denies the existence of any prohibited weapons programs at all. The United States, the United Nations and the world waited for this declaration from Iraq, but Iraq's response is a catalogue of recycled information and flagrant omissions. It should be obvious that the pattern of systematic holes and gaps in Iraq's declaration is not the result of accidents or editing oversights or technical mistakes. These are material omissions that, in our view, constitute another material breach.

We are disappointed, but we are not deceived. This declaration is consistent with the Iraqi regime's past practices. We have seen this game again and again– an attempt to sow confusion, buy time, hoping the world will lose interest. This time the game is not working. This time the international community is concentrating its attention and increasing its resolve as the true nature of the Iraqi regime is revealed again.

On the basis of this declaration, on the basis of the evidence before us, our path for the coming weeks is clear. First, we must continue to audit and examine the Iraqi declaration to understand the full extent of Iraq's failure to meet its disclosure obligations. Second, the inspections should give high priority to conducting interviews with scientists and other witnesses outside of Iraq, where they can speak freely. Under the terms of Resolution 1441, Iraq is obligated; it is their obligation, to make such witnesses available to the inspectors. Third, the inspectors should intensify their efforts inside Iraq. The United States, and, I hope, other Council members will provide the inspectors with every possible assistance, all the support they need, to succeed in their crucial mission. Given the gravity of the situation, we look forward to frequent reports from Dr. Blix and from Dr. al-Baradei. Finally, we will continue to consult with our friends, with our allies and with all members of the Security Council on how to compel compliance by Iraq with the will of the international community. But let there be no misunderstanding; as Ambassador John Negroponte said earlier today, Saddam Hussein has so far responded to this final opportunity with a new lie.

The burden remains on Iraq– not on the United Nations, not on the United States– the burden remains on Iraq to cooperate fully and for Iraq to prove to the international community whether it does or does not have weapons of mass destruction. We are convinced they do until they prove to us otherwise. It is still up to Iraq to determine how its disarmament will happen. Unfortunately, this declaration fails totally to move us in the direction of a peaceful solution. And I'd be prepared to take some questions.

REPORTER:

Mr. Secretary?

COLIN POWELL:

Yes?

REPORTER:

I'm a little confused, because this was to have been Iraq's last chance. And you've just laid out four additional things, including interviewing scientists, and you are still saying that Iraq has the opportunity so-and-so and so forth. I don't know if you're saying an airtight case hasn't been made or somehow you have some slim hope it can be turned around by Iraq.

COLIN POWELL:

It remains to be seen. The resolution was its last chance, and there were obligations for Iraq in that resolution: One, to accept the resolution; two, to provide a declaration. We have begun our analysis of that declaration, and we find so far that it has failed to do what it was supposed to do. But we will continue to work with UNMOVIC and IAEA, and we'll consult with other members of the Council to see what conclusions the Council members arrive at and to see whether or not more evidence can be brought forward to make the case to the Council that Iraq has totally missed this opportunity. But so far, with respect to complying with the conditions and the terms of 1441, Iraq is well on its way to losing this last chance. Yes?

REPORTER:

Mr. Secretary, you've used the expression "material breach." Can you tell us why you've chosen to use this? And how would you answer those who have been saying this morning that, by using this without taking action, you are in fact devaluing the expression?

COLIN POWELL:

Material breach, I think perhaps too much has been made of the term. Material breach is a term that comes from the law that says a party to a commitment has failed in meeting the terms of that commitment. Iraq has done that repeatedly in the past. That's why 1441 begins with that statement of past material breach on many occasions by Iraq still in material breach, and this is a new material breach. I don't think we are devaluing the term. I think we are using the term to make it clear to the world that, once again, we have a breach on the part of Iraq with respect to its obligations. And therefore, the spots have not changed.

REPORTER:

Mr. Secretary, is there a deadline by which Iraq has to show this compliance? And will the United States return to the Security Council and seek another resolution authorizing military action toward the end of next month if Iraq does not comply?

COLIN POWELL:

There is no calendar deadline. But obviously, there is a practical limit to how much longer you can just go down the road of non-cooperation and how much time the inspectors can be given to do their work. In the weeks ahead, we expect both the IAEA and UNMOVIC to give reports as they get deeper in their work and to analyze the declaration further. There are still long sections of the annexes that came with the declaration that have to be carefully examined. So would I not put to time line on it, but obviously, it is not indefinite. This situation cannot continue. A body of evidence is slowly building since the passage of Resolution 1441, and that body of evidence shows that Iraq is still not cooperating. It is Iraq's obligation to cooperate, and they are the ones who are supposed to be coming forward under this resolution to demonstrate to the international community what they have done in the past, what they might still be holding and to come clean.

KWAME HOLMAN:

President Bush is expected to speak on Iraq tomorrow.