(upbeat music) (projector clicking) - Have you ever wondered where the television signal you're watching is coming from?

♪ I love to go a wanderin' (projector clicking) ♪ along the mountain track - Welcome to True North.

(upbeat music) (mysterious music) - Good evening and welcome to Mainewatch (upbeat music) (projector clicking) Welcome to From The Vault, a celebration of 60 years of of Maine Public Television.

This episode is a double celebration as we commemorate Maines 202nd birthday.

March 15th is statehood day with Maine having joined the Union on that date in 1820 as the 23rd state.

To celebrate, we will go back to 1970 for Birth of a State, which was produced to commemorate Maines 150th anniversary.

It is a play that dramatizes the events of Maines Constitutional Convention of 1819 that led to statehood and is set in the First Parish Church of Portland where the actual convention was held.

The play was written by Louis Coxe,Professor of English and head of the English department at Bowdoin College A celebrated poet, author and playwright, he received critical acclaim for his 1951 Broadway adaptation of Herman Melvilles Billy Budd and was commissioned to write this play for Maines sesquicentennial.

The play was performed on stage by the Portland Players throughout 1970 as well as for the cameras in the studio where a recreation of the interior of the First Parish Church was built.

The church where the meeting took place was demolished a couple years later with the granite building we know today being completed in 1826.

But during demolition, cannonballs were found in the walls.

These were from the British bombardment of then Falmouth now Portland, during the Revolutionary War.

One of those cannonballs can be seen as part of the 600-pound chandelier that hangs in the building today.

The song you will hear during the credits is called “Hail to Maine ”.

It was written in 1956 by Paul Shirley, a long-time summer resident of Islesboro Born in Russia in 1886, he was a virtuoso of the viola damore, an instrument similar a violin but with a second set of sympathetic strings and popular during the 18th and 19th centuries.

He performed with the Boston Symphony Orchestra from1912-1929 He would also perform around the country and for a timehis piano player was Arthur Fielder, who later became conductor of the Boston Symphony and Boston Pops.

As with many of our shows featured on From the Vault, we do have to trim them down occasionally to fit our time slot.

To see the full unedited version as well as other episodes, go to the From the Vault playlist Now, lets celebrate Maines 202nd birthday by watching a show from its 150th.

From 1970, this is Birth of a State.

(gull calling) (surf pounding) - [Narrator] October, 1819. a gull gives his morning call.

Nine o'clock, a land wind blows just firm enough to take the fisherman offshore.

It will change by three, and bring them home again.

(horse hooves clopping) (bell ringing) Now as the clock strikes the hour, a dray rumbles the cobblestone.

(bell ringing) A man walks up the little rise to the First Parish Church in Falmouth, now known as Portland.

A man calls from obscurity to represent thousands of men, his fellow citizens of the district of Maine in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.

Massachusetts men today, tomorrow Maine men.

(bell ringing) (group murmuring) (drum beating) During those high blue days of fall, these men of Maine and Massachusetts in constitutional convention assembled have been making a state.

They are, as you might expect, all kinds of people.

Now there is Herrick of Bowdoinham.

He'll be heard from you can be sure.

And over there, politicking is Smith of Waterville.

These two have minds of their own.

Next, we have Page of Hallowell, and oh yes, that's Mister Thacher of Portland.

You'll hear from him certainly.

And Mister Holmes of Alfred, the man who will take the blame for the Missouri Compromise, but that's another story.

Right now, he has all he can do to keep his friend William King from dominating him completely.

- All right, all right.

You've got cold feet.

I'm frozen all over, myself.

- You push too hard, Will.

You must let them go at their own pace.

- They'd crawl, Johnny.

Look, you've got the education, the philosophy, the brain, you do the thinking.

Let me set the pace and ram through this plan of action.

- How many times do I have to tell you, this is supposed to be a democratic assembly?

- You keep telling me, I might hear you.

- You simply cannot act as though this convention were your own privy counsel.

- Look, Johnny, you think, I act.

They only talk, most of them.

- That's for your wrong, Will.

Why don't you listen?

You might learn something that way.

- All right.

I'll undertake a do just that, but you've got to help me out when things get rough.

- Will, you've got plenty of friends and allies here.

Just give us a chance, will you?

- We'd better take our places.

- [Narrator] William King mounts the rostrum in the First Parish Church, to preside over the convention and keep it true to its aim.

He is a tough, even a formidable, man.

His enemies have stronger words for him.

A hard man at a bargain, with a rough tongue in a country of tongues, like files, no education to speak of, or to speak with, but watch him.

When he knows he can't speak, he doesn't.

It was William King who wrote and visited Thomas Jefferson for advice.

Not a man to settle for anything less than best, he will be the first governor of the new state of Maine.

Now in their places ready for debate, are the men who are the delegates to this convention, for no women were allowed.

I, as the historian or scribe, take my place here at the foot of the rostrum to record for posterity these historic moments.

(gavel pounding) - This convention is in session, meeting will come to order.

The various committees have been hard at work, as you are all aware.

The agenda now calls for recommendations from the committee for constitutional support of religion.

- Mister President.

(confused shouting) (gavel pounding) - Gentlemen, listen for once in your lives.

- [William] Gentlemen, gentlemen, let the lady speak.

Now then ma'am, let's hear what's on your mind.

- I thank you, sir.

You need not patronize us.

- Wouldn't dream of it, ma'am.

- The first thing you can do is get that Sergeant of Arms out of here.

- All right, Sergeant, you can go now.

They won't hurt you.

(men laughing) - The next thing you can do is authorize our stay for the remainder of the convention.

We came to stay and we mean to do so or disrupt the proceedings.

- Yes, we will!

(random shouting) - You think you can control your caucus, ma'am?

- Of course.

Do we stay or don't we?

- But why do you want to?

These will be boring proceedings.

- We'll be the judges of that, I think.

- [William] Well, gentlemen, what do you say?

(confused shouting) - (indistinct) for profanity, sir, in this house of worship.

- Oh, it'll be worse if we don't.

I know, believe me.

- Mister Herrick.

That will do.

- Aha, so that's it.

(gavel pounding) Gentlemen, the chair rules that the ladies will stay throughout the duration.

Any objectors can take it up with Missus Herrick.

Ladies, you may be seated.

Now then, Mister Herrick, you were saying before you were interrupted by Missus Herrick?

- I thought the members of this convention were agreed sir, that the federal constitution forbids any laws with regard to religious establishment.

- Mister Herrick, the chair rules that these proceedings will go on under procedures agreed upon.

The time for the debate on the religious question is now.

Be seated, sir.

- But, Mister President.

- Mister Herrick, you are out of order, but not out of character.

(laughing) Chair intends to maintain strict discipline.

Up to now, these sessions have moved smartly.

Gentlemen who wish to laugh at other gentlemen, had better wait to see how funny they are themselves.

And I will ask all speakers to maintain brevity, not as an excuse for long-windedness, but as a rule, any man who begins with, I would only say this will be gaveled down.

Now then, I recognize the gentleman from Cumberland County, Mister Thacher.

- Mister President, members of the constitutional convention, visitors, fellow citizens, I shall abide by the presiding officer's plea for brevity, as far as it's consistent with full examination of issues.

And what is that issue?

Is is it not basically twofold?

- [William] I shall maintain that all speakers stay within their allotted time, Mister Thacher.

- Does anyone here seriously doubt that the issue is one which involves not just the private conscience, but also the public duty?

We are a religious people.

As such, should we not provide for the public support of institutions of religion?

- [Men] No.

(gavel pounding) - Order, order, gentlemen.

Proceed, Mister Thacher.

- I ask the members of this assembly, have we not in this Republic, seen the general improvement of man's lot?

Do we not daily see evidence of a refinement of character and spirit?

I say to all here, that man improves in himself, in his essential nature, in this new Commonwealth, which we are here to establish.

- May I remind the gentleman that Massachusetts is the Commonwealth.

We merely wish to become a state, proceed sir.

- One word more.

Is not worship of the supreme being a public duty?

We do no more than is our duty, if we provide in the constitution of the state for the public support of religion.

(confused shouting) (gavel pounding) - [William] Mister Herrick.

- I am greatly disturbed by the remarks we have just heard.

I do not believe that this state has any duty, whatever, toward any religion or religion in general, for that matter, except the duty to keep hands off, and see that none violates the laws.

I am far more concerned with the protection of the mass of men from sectarian malice, and the capture of state power by any group.

Therefore I say we can do no better then to lay down what the federal constitution lays down, and that is let no legislature make any law with regard to the establishment of religion.

States should look to the bodily welfare of their citizens.

Beyond that, it's none of their business what people think.

- [Man] Mister President, I demand- - [William] The gentlemen from Waterville.

- Thank you Mister President and gentlemen, it should be obvious that the young delegate from Bowdoinham, as is usual, a trifle confused.

The proposal, sir, is not to legislate belief, but to state in the constitution, that the people of Maine support religion.

I do not (indistinct).

- [William] Mister Herrick, you are out of order.

You may continue Mister Smith.

- That is my only point, sir.

No one here suggests legislating conscience, but I agree with Mister Thacher.

We are a religious people, and every day we see about us signs that man grows better and less brutal.

Our constitution must recognize that fact.

- [Man] No.

- Mister President.

- [William] Mister Holmes, you have been patient.

It is your turn.

- Thank you, Mister President.

Gentlemen, all of us feel strongly on this matter clearly.

Religious affairs frequently arouse the most irreligious passions.

Mister Thacher and Mister Smith speak with feeling, and out of experience.

But I believe they ignore a grave danger, and seriously misread the signs of the times.

- Will the gentleman yield?

- No, why should I?

- Mister President, all of this religious talk is irrelevant.

- [William] I decide what is relevant, Mister Page.

You will sit down.

- But Mister President.

- I shall not yield the floor.

- Bring this issue out in the open, I say.

Some people here are trying to ram a religious clause down our throats.

- If you'd listen or wait to turn.

- Is there some conspiracy here to support religion?

- [William] All right, gentlemen, it's sit down or the lockup.

- I believe the floor is still mine, sir.

- Are you limiting the time for all speakers, Mister President?

- Mister Page, when a man's time is up, he will know it.

Is there anything else you would like to know?

- Yes, Mister President.

We want to know whether you plan to ram this religious measure through, against our will.

- Who is we?

No man here votes for or against an issue unless he believes in it.

If there is any man, he is so thin blooded that he hasn't the nerve to stand up for what he believes in, let him go home, a better man will take his place.

Mister Holmes, I believe you have the floor.

- Thank you, Mister President.

Gentlemen, I can only say to all men who feel strongly on this issue, as I do, that we must remember that we are fallible men, dealing with laws for a very uncertain future.

I for one am not inclined to trust men too far.

Why do constitutions exist?

To define and limit the power of men, and men are always in love with power.

Shall we back that love of power with law?

Power linked with religion destroys.

It gives men license to set free their passions.

In the name of faith, whole tribes and races have been put to the soil.

- Now Mister Homes, we do not here concern ourself with a single establishment of religion, a state religion.

- Sir, gentlemen, give that state power to tax, to educate, to hold religion, give the legislature power to support religion by whatever means it chooses, and you give them a license for tyranny.

Define the powers, limit them.

Persecute and prosecute those who go too far.

Trust a man, never trust men at large.

Men are weak and fallible, often enough wicked.

Do we need to be reminded of our part in the slave trade and the other trades that benefit from it?

Can we look on such things and say, man improved?

No!

Define the powers of the legislature and say, this far shall you go, and no farther.

Religion needs no aid from government.

When men go to their God alone and humbly, but let's be sure they leave their neighbors alone.

(confused shouting) (gavel pounding) - [William] Gentlemen, I do not (indistinct).

- Mister President.

- [William] I must have order.

You must go back to your seats immediately.

- Mister President.

- I recognize Mister Herrick.

- Gentlemen, what I find is that most of our citizens believe that religion is a private matter.

- Mister Herrick, if that is so, what are we doing in this house of public worship?

If religion is a matter of man and his God, is it not also a matter of society?

- Society and so on and so forth, words too familiar.

No, Mister Thacher, no absolutely.

- Oh, get on with it.

- What I contend is this.

We have no business considering this religious question one way or another.

- [Man] You sir, are an atheist.

- Oh slogans, use your stupid head.

- Though I may be stupid, but I believe in God.

- I hope He's flattered, sir.

- All right Mister Herrick, that will do.

- And the rest of you popes and cardinals and idealists, get back to your seats.

- You can't close down a democracy like this, King.

- I just did.

Gentlemen, all we ever do about this question of religion is raise hell about heaven.

No one wants to do anything, everyone just wants to talk.

- Including the Chair.

- You're damned right.

Well, there's been enough.

- [Thacher] Are you about to attempt another silencing of debate, Mister President?

- If you will hold your tongue, sir.

- [Thacher] No.

Why are we here if not to debate to its fullest?

This question which is so vital to the spiritual health of the body politic.

- Oh, choke it off Thacher, for God's sake.

- You may well say for God's sake indeed, sir.

Is that not why we are here?

- No it ain't.

It's for man's sake.

- There you have it, Mister President, a clear parting, a clear issue.

Eve of this new state declares itself, a religious, a Christian community, or it will to all intents and purposes, deny God.

(confused shouting) - And make the party.

Are you trying to wreck this society?

- [William] All right, all right gentlemen, I'll bring out the militia if I must.

- Question Mister President, I call for the question.

- Thank God, or am I out of order?

Question has been called.

All those ready to vote on it, say aye.

- Aye.

- [William] Opposed, nay.

- Nay.

- [William] The ayes have it.

- Show of hands.

- Show of hands.

- [William] Are you questioning my honesty?

All right, we'll do it again.

All those in favor, say aye.

- Aye.

- [William] Opposed, nay.

- Nay!

- [William] Now for the question.

And any of you who don't happen to know what that is, had better leave now while you can.

- Mister President, I think the clerk should read the resolution.

- [William] He read it a while back.

All those in favor of constitutional support for religion, say aye.

- Aye.

- [William] Opposed, nay.

- Nay!

- [William] Seems like some of us around here change our minds mighty fast.

A good thing too.

Now that we've got that off our chest.

It's time to consider the committee's report on education.

- Mister President.

- Mister President.

- We have not had sufficient time to study this report.

- I recognize the gentleman from Waterville.

- Gentlemen, too much has been said about taxing the towns for education.

I ask you, where is that money to come from?

Haven't high taxes just about driven folks out already?

I say we should let each town decide whether to support free education for everybody.

- [Man] Mister President.

- [William] I recognize the gentleman from Hallowell.

- Thank you, sir.

Most of the speakers hitherto have seemed to assume that every man is capable of benefiting from free education and formal education, and I disagree.

I see no reason why we should pay taxes to keep in school young fellows who would be better off working in the fields or out to sea.

- That's short-sighted, sir.

- If the state has no right to support religion, then it has none to support education.

- The two things are wholly different.

- Oh, the hell they are.

- Sit down Page, and you too, Herrick.

- Come over here and say that.

- Page, everybody wants tax money.

- You're damned right.

Well, not mine anyway.

Not to teach your brats.

- That's what tax money is for, man.

- Mister President.

- Let 'em go.

- I have resources.

- [William] Well then stand on it.

- Page, you know full well had always supported education.

- You sir, are a liar.

And the next thing to a thief.

- Are you talking to me, sir?

- I'm talking to anyone who fits the term.

- Names don't hurt, Page, but some things do.

(shouting) (gavel pounding) - All right, gentlemen, if that's the word, this session is adjourned until nine o'clock in the morning, at which time gentlemen had better be prepared to act their age.

Chairman of the various committees will meet immediately with me prior to caucus with their delegations this evening.

Mister Holmes, Mister Herrick, the rest of you, if you please.

- The Sultan reigns, long live the Sultan.

- I heard that Mister Herrick.

- You did Mister Sultan, Mister King, sir.

- You've been back talking to the local gentry?

- Very educational, you might say.

- All right.

So I'm high-handed, ignorant, crude.

Have I left anything out?

But I am a man of the people and proud of it.

Some of you chairman don't realize that this here delegation is gonna go the democratic way.

- I think you go too far.

We must give all points of view, sufficient play.

- The hell you say, sir.

This ain't play, Thacher.

I meant it for big and final reasons.

This here convention is coming in with a finished constitution, and you men are gonna do it, along with me.

- Will, we are with you, most of us.

Just give us a chance, will you?

Don't try so hard.

- You do the trying, all of you.

You got this evening to bear down on your delegations.

This education thing is the key.

If we can get the clause that makes the town support schooling for everybody, we'll deserve well of our posterity, if any of you are interested in that.

- Well, don't forget about the religious clause.

You know, a lot of men are gonna vote against this one because the other one failed.

- By the Lord, they better not.

You better not let them.

- Working with you is becoming an education in itself, sir.

- About the only education I ever had.

Maybe that's why I believe in it.

Good, then gentlemen, you all go where I lodge.

I'll expect reports on your caucuses this this evening by 10 o'clock.

Now, if you don't mind, Mister Holmes and I will see what a little wine and a little pressure will do for some people we know about.

- You really think you can brow beat them like this, Will?

- No, but they agree with me, most of them, oh maybe not the knobs and the gentry, but they'll come around too if they see that it's profitable.

- Sometimes I think I understand you Will, and.

- Well, don't stay up nights trying Johnny.

It's only important that we understand each other.

And I think we do.

- I'm behind you, Will.

I have been all along, you know that.

It's a risk.

- We cut loose from Massachusetts.

You call that a risk?

I'll never forgive them turning us over to the British in the war.

Let men die, let it burn.

Save their own skins.

Well by God we've seen the last of them, and we're gonna be masters in our own house.

- If Congress will let us.

- That's the next step, yours.

We get this constitution through here, and then you take it to Washington and sell the state of Maine to Congress.

- Well, a lot of folks aren't going to like it.

It means compromise with the southerners.

Missouri will have to come in a slave territory.

- Let it.

Let it.

Did we make slavery?

Are we supposed to suffer and burn in Maine because of a few tender consciences?

Where were they when their blackbird has brought home the family fortune in a shipload of Africans?

No Johnny, this is a dirty deal you be damned sure, but Maine will become a state.

After that, we'll worry about how long other places remain slave territory.

- You never cease to amaze me, Will.

The cynic and the idealist all together.

- Don't you flatter me, costs me money every time.

No Johnny, all we can do is take one step at a time.

Getting this constitution is the first step.

After that, we'll worry about what price Washington wants to make us pay.

- Your is the command.

Now let's crack a bottle before I lose my courage.

- It's all risks and hard work, Johnny, but a hell of a lot of fun.

- Ah, yes.

- The time calls on every man here to rise as far above himself as his own best nature will lift him.

And what is it that they must try at this very moment to resolve?

How to establish a society in which a man works on a farm, or in a shop, that his son may work in an office, or a bank, that his son may make the life of art, a noble dream, never to come true, but men must act as though it could, as though it will.

William King senses this without the words to say it.

A profound, inarticulate man, watch him tomorrow as the debate on education proceeds.

- You have all heard the report of the committee on education.

The chair will limit debate and will call for a vote, if no one else does, by noon.

Don't forget, we have a job to do, to make a new state.

Getting this constitution is only the first step.

Let me remind you that we have a time limit set on us by our dear friends from Massachusetts.

We must get this petition through Congress by April, or our great and good friends withdraw their offer.

All right, let every man here act in good conscience.

Let every man here forget his private interests for something big, the biggest thing he's ever done.

Let every man here be ready to see his mistake, to admit it, and to go right.

That way, all here can know that they have done well by the people of Maine, the new state, and the Maine men to come.

Discussion and debate are in order.

- Mister President.

- I recognize the gentleman from Alfred.

- Thank you, Mister President.

Gentlemen, we vexed vital question over and over.

Two sides emerge.

Give education to everyone, free, or let each man work his own way.

If he cannot or will not pay for his schooling, let him stay ignorant.

Now I ask you how can any man with faith in democracy, take any side with the first?

As Americans, we declare that all men are created equal.

They won't stay that way if they're unequally taught and trained.

- Are you talking about education or learning a trade?

- [William] The gentleman from Waterville will sit down and wait his turn.

Continue Mister Holmes.

- If we must make mistakes, let us err on the side of generosity.

Maine is poor.

We want our sons to be rich in spirit.

Education will help.

Give them that education, give it to the poor.

The state that does well by its poor is good enough for the rich.

(men cheering and applauding) Now what does it matter if Maine gains its freedom only to sink into ignorance?

Remember that tomorrow your sons and grandsons may need as a free grant what you paid for yesterday.

Freedom to sink into ignorance is slavery.

Now is the time for Maine to set the example for the whole country.

- Mister President.

- The gentlemen from Waterville.

- Mister President, gentlemen.

As you all know, I came here yesterday set to vote down this clause.

It seemed to me it got to the very heart of a man's pride in sense for self-help.

Some of us here got our educations, whatever they might be, by bits and pieces and by candlelight, and we're very proud of that.

Maybe a little too proud, because now I see it goes beyond all that, because we're talking about the future, about young folk coming along, about the Maine men to come.

And we have to build right here in Maine from the ground up.

Help is what everybody needs.

So I side with Mister Holmes, free education for all, not in charity, but as a right, and as a duty.

Mister President, I called for the question.

- [William] Is there anyone else here desirous of speaking to this issue?

- I'd like to conclude my remarks, Mister President.

- Just a moment.

I object.

Will the gentleman, yield?

- Mister Page, if you'll remember, I happened to be on your side.

- You were on my side, you mean, Smith.

You sold out.

- Mister President, must I continue to submit to this sort of abuse?

- [William] If you like.

Otherwise, hit him.

That'll take care.

- Sir, this is gone much too far.

- Oh, shut up Thacher.

let's have this out.

I demand full hearing.

- What the hell do you consider full?

We went over this issue a dozen times, both inside and convention and out.

- Mister Thacher, would you please sit down?

- Listen, Smith.

I'm right and you know it, you sold out.

- Mister President.

- All right, gentlemen.

- Mister President, you side with the tax boys don't you?

Soak the working man to support the loafing brats.

- Well you ought to know, Jack.

You've been living off your old man's estate, all your life.

(commotion) All right, the rest of you, settle down.

Mister Smith here has the floor.

- I won't forget this insulting.

- [William] That's all right, because that I will.

One minute Smith, and I mean one.

- Mister President, gentlemen, I simply call for the question.

- By voice vote then.

All those in favor of constitutional support for education, say aye.

- Aye.

- [William] Opposed?

Opposed?

The ayes have it.

And gentlemen, I congratulate us all.

(applauding) Now, without further objection, I will adjourn these proceedings until half past one this afternoon.

Objection?

- Well, you put that away handily, my friend.

- Well, I think Smith's backing was what swayed the convention.

- That's a hard man to shave, too.

When a man could have gone one way all his life, and then suddenly turn around.

By the Lord, that's something.

Mister Herrick, you could learn from that.

- So could you Mister Sultan, sir.

- Gentlemen, I think we can wrap this up this afternoon.

If we have to go into tomorrow, we may find- - I think you're right, you know, we shouldn't even quit for supper.

They'll get hungry and thirsty and wanna finish up fast.

- That's very good, Herrick.

What do you say, John?

- You asking for my considered opinion or just an endorsement of yours?

- What do you think?

No, no, no.

I, I take that back.

Of course I want your opinion.

No man's I respect more.

I just hope it agrees with mine.

- And if it doesn't?

- It won't matter because I'll change it.

- Well, I agree with Herrick, push it straight through with a ready gavel at a good fast pace.

I think this morning's debate showed that if you go right ahead, you've got the majority with you.

Most of these men mean well, but they just don't see what the real issues are.

- Well, I should hope not.

Many is the time I go out of my way to make sure they don't.

- Do you think they don't know that?

- Yep, I think they don't, most of the time.

- They know you better than you do, some of them.

- Some, like you and John, maybe?

Well, some can't be too much.

And if they know that, they know that although I'm a hard man in trade, I'm here to work for the state of Maine, and for the greatest good and greatest freedom for the most.

Now I ask you, how can we disagree in the long run?

- Well, in the long run you will, so make the run short, and we'll get the constitution we need and want.

- Before midnight.

- All right.

Suppose you two have a little informal caucus on the matter.

- All right.

- Men of affairs like William King often enjoy war and military command, if that war does not affect their affairs.

William King turned general in the war of 1812.

He fought to repel invasion, to try to save the towns from falling to loot and fire, and to keep his troops from running away.

He did not play soldier.

He fought two enemies, the British and the rest of New England that wanted his militia for their own purposes.

He very nearly lost his own personal wealth, as in fact, he would lose it all later in life, but perhaps he enjoyed the battle better than winning, and both better than hanging on.

Right now, he finds himself between two opposed forces, the peacemakers and the soldiers, and he who has been both, sees what each desires and what each must receive.

He also sees that not all men see the true need that each side serves, for the state and for man.

- You seem to forget general, I've had some experience myself.

- No sir, I do not forget.

I thought perhaps you had.

- Damn it man, come off it.

This is more than just being for or against a militia.

- Mister King, the militia is an absolute necessity.

There can be no question as to its reality.

It's a matter of the kind of support we shall get.

- General, I warn you.

A lot of men have gotten hurt trying to beat me in a bad cause.

You're not after a better militia for the betterment of the state, you're are pushing your own prestige.

- I understand you've ambitions to be that new state's first governor.

- That is exactly right.

I intend to be.

And when I am, you will fall into line so fast.

Sorry.

Didn't mean to be so rough.

I merely wish to convey General, that this convention will debate the matter of the military and military defense with care.

There is also the problem of who is to be exempted.

- Please do not attempt to threaten me, sir.

I have resources of my own.

You are not the only power in this district, sir.

- State, General, not district.

- That remains to be seen.

I take it you think you can push through statehood whether your colleagues like it or not.

Let me tell you, you can't do such tactics with me and my colleagues.

- Damn it man, do you think the men here came along just for the trip?

Get one thing through your head.

The men here believe in what they are doing.

- [General] I can see that you believe in yourself, sir, and in your career.

- What the devil does that supposed to mean?

- [General] I suggest you control your temper.

I did not come here to be bullied.

I came here to offer advice.

- Advice I must take, or you won't play.

Is that it?

- Mister King, you are going to need me and some of my associates.

I hope you've not forgotten that this district was invaded not too long ago.

It can happen again.

And as usual, when it's too late, men cry for professional military help, after having starved that help nearly to death in time of peace.

- You look pretty healthy to me, General.

Look, man, no one is trying to strong arm you.

I merely wish to point out that yours is but one cause, there are several others.

- Others of equal strength?

Oh, don't bother to answer, sir.

I know whom I'm dealing with, William King, the merchant prince Sultan of Bath.

A hard man with a dollar I'm told.

- I don't get you, General.

What are you trying to get me mad for?

You won't get what you want that way, you know, because I won't play your game.

I know what I'm after, believe me.

- So do I, you wanna be the new state's first Governor.

- That's exactly right, I intend to be.

And when I am, all I can say is that this convention will debate the matter of the militia and military defense with care, and especially the problem of exemption, a real problem that, you know.

- No, I don't know.

Apparently you and a few other members, some of the weak-kneed members of this convention like Holmes and- - General, General, you make a fool of yourself attacking wiser men than you.

Men like Holmes and Herrick and the rest of us, we must represent every religious sect in the entire district, the entire state.

You have but one cause to serve.

Suppose you forget that and think how best to protect the new state from foreign enemies.

Leave the matter of who is to serve in the militia to men who represent the people.

That is me among others, not you, believe me.

And now General, with your permission, this conversation will come to an end.

On your way out, kindly ask the leader of the Quakers to come in.

You can do that nicely, can't you General?

I thought so.

Good day, sir.

No hard feelings.

- The long day grows longer for William King, and for his friends and supporters, and for his enemies, or those who had their misgivings about the disinterestedness of the Sultan of Bath's use of power.

Does anyone doubt that he wishes to become the first governor of Maine?

A goal that he has set for himself, but he never misses taking the proper steps in the proper order.

Tonight we'll either see a convention over, almost won you might say, or a brawl, with it all to do again and time running out.

- The convention will come to order.

I want to thank you gentlemen, for being prompt.

Let me remind you that time is running out.

The longer this convention delays in its work, the harder it will be to meet the deadline.

I hope we can finish this session.

- Mister President, I trust there will be no arbitrary rulings from the chair, with respect to limitation upon full debate of the great issues.

- Oh, will the gentleman yield?

- No, he will not yield.

I think this assembly is in danger of being manipulated, forced to conclude business, it has neither fully comprehended, nor fully ventilated.

- Oh yield, yield.

- The Chair insists on order here, gentlemen.

The Chair also rules that all speeches from the floor will not exceed two minutes.

Mister Thacher, you have one minute.

- I believe I have made my points, sir.

I have no wish to take up valuable time.

(men applauding) - That will do gentlemen.

We have before us the matter of the vote on the question of support of the militia, and on military exemption.

- Mister President.

- I recognize the gentleman from Hallowell.

- Thank you, sir.

When we consider this matter of who is to serve and who is not to serve, we somehow get lost in this never, never land.

I say let every man between the ages of 20 and 40, who is able and fit, do his duty by the state, with no exception.

- What about ministers in the gospel?

- Which ministers?

- By titles, sir, we know which ministers and which gospel.

- [William] Gentlemen, the gentleman from Hallowell will continue.

- That is all, sir.

I say universal service for the fit, with no exemptions.

- Married men should be exempt.

(shouting) - [William] I dare say that many married men will volunteer for obvious reasons.

I apologize to the ladies, but the opportunity was too good to miss.

Still, the point she made was valid.

- Mister President.

- Yes, Mister Holmes.

- Thank you Mister President.

Gentlemen, perhaps we are being a little frivolous.

The matter is serious.

No one here remembers the record of our militia in the last war, finds anything funny in the matter.

A great many of our militiamen ran away, most of the time.

I don't particularly blame them under the circumstances, but I think we must look to the possibility that if there is a next time, if we should have an enemy descend on our coast, that we may suffer again what we suffered five, six, seven years ago.

- [Man] Do you anticipate a particular enemy?

- Well, I think we can leave that to the enemy, but what we must do is affect a good compromise between readiness and fairness to all, between military realism and peaceable intent.

One of the things that we must watch for is the time when men are left without any service.

And one of the main points is humane, sensitive and generous policies regarding exemption and postponement of service, on the grounds of religious principles.

And in the cases of hardship.

That is all, sir.

- Just a moment.

You seem to imply, sir, that a nonreligious man who opposes service on moral grounds cannot be exempt.

- Mister Page, can we really entertain the notion of moral atheism?

- [William] And why not, sir?

But that point is not vital here.

What is vital is that we consider the Quakers' petition that they be granted exemption.

- Sir, no one sect can arrogate to itself.

- [William] Mister Thacher, you have not been recognized.

You will sit down.

- [Smith] Mister President.

- [William] I recognize the gentleman from Waterville.

- Gentlemen, all of us here have at one time or another, had some dealings with the Friends.

Maybe we don't agree with them, or we find them to be over holy or smug, but they take care of their own and one another.

They ask nothing from us.

They ask nothing in charity, nor even their proper share of public funds.

All they want is two things.

First, their religious liberty, and that we have already guaranteed in the constitution.

And second, the right not to bear arms, in any form or any purpose.

Their word is their bond.

They make it good.

Mister President, I move that the Friends be granted exemption from military service.

- And the question, Mister President, I call for the question.

- [William] The question has been called.

If there is no further discussion, I recognize the gentleman from Bowdoinham.

- Oh you should, you've seen him enough.

- [William] Order, order, gentlemen.

And will the witch in the front, kindly keep it down?

Thank you.

Mister Herrick?

- Now that the question has been called for, I make this final plea.

Vote generously, as I believe we have thus far in these debates.

In some ways the Quaker Friends hold the conscience in its pure form.

Most of us must compromise with reality and battle harsh facts.

It is well that we do solve.

A few others stand for an ideal, uncorrupted.

By the absurd, the messy, the mundane.

It is well that the Quaker stand tall, and I say, long may they continue.

They suffer for their beliefs.

Are we to add to that suffering?

Will the absence from the ranks of the militia of a few men who loathe that service on principle, make a better service?

Armies are for fighting, for protection.

We are not here to discipline those who must object from conscience.

We are here to establish justice.

I side with Mister Smith and Mister Holmes.

We will serve justice by being just.

(applauding) - Oh yes, that motion passed.

And there were other exemptions too, you could look them up, like all the provisos, resolutions, clauses, all the debates and votes and the men who made them, they have all receded into the past.

They made history, as we say, all that labor, imagination, idealism, and blind prejudice, have dwindled to lines in a book, on a few gravestones, a tablet on a wall.

William King, John Holmes, and the rest, long gone to the immortality of the local dead worthy.

And we forget, or never even knew.

I doubt if William King would regret it if he knew.

And I am certain that John Holmes would recognize its fitness, but let us find their last words.

The last words that we will hear from them here and now.

The presiding officer has declared a brief recess, now at 10 o'clock at night.

The meeting house is cavernous in the hazed light of the candelabra, and the members seems subdued, from weariness in part, and in part because the end is at hand and they know it.

The work, the great work on which they have been so set these October days and nights, draws to a close.

They will make an end, and having made it, will regret that never again in their lifetimes will there be another such piece of work to do.

Meanwhile, they wait the gavel of the President to call them back for the final vote.

The last vote before the non comitus, and there is William King, politicking, chatting, lining things up, he and Holmes.

- Well, my friend, the last push.

You know, I am beginning to miss the thing already.

- Well, it's not over yet.

You know, I smell trouble.

- That's not trouble you smell my boy, that's defeat.

We've beat the hard heads and the know nothings, and the trimmers.

You can be mighty proud of yourself, Johnny my boy, you just made a state.

- I really envy you your capacity for self intoxication.

- Made me what I am.

And do you know what that is?

- And do you expect an answer?

- Yes, but I'll give it.

The first governor of the state of Maine.

Oh, not forever, maybe not even for long, but just to put the seal on it.

- And maybe to grind it into those Harvard-educated brothers of yours.

- Nonsense Johnny, nonsense my boy, you're not even supposed to know about those things, let alone talk about 'em.

Well, Johnny, here we go.

But you've got to remember the dirty part comes later, and that's up to you.

I'll stay here, but I want you in Washington.

It'll be rough, but all of us back home will expect you to hang on tight till the job gets done.

- Well, I'll do my best, but it's not my kind of game.

- But that's exactly why you'll be there, to show everyone that dirty deal or no dirty deal, no man stands to gain anything.

All we want is statehood.

We earned it.

We got it.

No favor asked for any man, just for the state of Maine.

That sound pretty good to you, Johnny?

- Let's reconvene before you sell me something.

- Not me.

You were with me a long time ago.

You must have known there were is more in this than just a trade, nothing in it for you or me.

- Well, part of it's as you say, the excitement of the sport.

- Yes, but it's better when it's more than just a sport, a cause, a real cause.

- Well go ahead and finish the job.

It's a cause for us all, but you've made it yours.

- Maybe we should ask our posterity to say thank you.

(chuckling) - The final debate of real significance will concern districting.

The battle of the small towns and plantations, against the big towns, centers like Portland that many already suspect will grow and tend to dominate.

Many men are Jeffersonian in that they distrust city dwellers and city interests.

Like the Sage of Monticello, they believe that virtue can thrive only in the heart of the farmer, the countryman, and many of them say it out loud and clear in this chamber.

William King, who is both town and country, can see both sides, and above all, he knows that the central issue is to get representation for all.

Inevitably inequities will crop up, but the kings of this world see the ideal as a point of reference and not as a working model.

And this particular King feels that unless a swift compromise between town and country is swiftly made, the whole issue may block passage of the constitution, and statehood for Maine may disappear in a cloud of rhetoric and jealous imaginings.

He could well be right.

Right now he simply keeps a tight reign on the length of speeches from the floor, and some are beginning to rebel.

The hour is late, men tire, and tempers fray.

- The question's been called.

You all understand it as read by the clerk.

If there is no further discussion.

- You mean it better not be any.

- You want to talk?

Talk.

- I just want to say this.

We don't have to vote this through.

I think this is demagoguery myself.

- But it is is just one man, one vote.

- A great slogan, Mister Chairman.

Why it won't work.

- Why not?

It's never been tried before.

- That's it, what we're doing is new.

Can't you see it?

First, education for all paid for by all.

We did that and that's new.

Now let's make a true democracy.

Yes, Mister Page, one man, one vote.

- Why not one woman, one vote?

It makes just as much sense.

- Yes, it makes a lot of sense.

(gavel pounding) - [William] The question has been called.

- Can't you take a chance, Mister Page?

Can't we all take a chance?

- What if it's a mistake?

Who pays?

The question's been called.

- One final word, gentlemen.

You've heard all the discussion, now make up your mind or, change it.

Vote for the future, not for the past.

- I submit that the chair is out of order.

- He sure is, but he's also all through.

So if there is no further discussion... - Mister President.

Mister President.

- ...on this question.

I will now call.

- Mister President, full debate is essential if we are to sift this matter to the bottom.

- [William] Debate, yes.

Bombast, no.

Gentlemen, we have been around this question from all sides.

I put it to you that we can never satisfy all factions.

- And why not, sir?

- [William] The gentleman from Waterville.

- Gentlemen, influencing power within the legislature will determine how our new state will move and grow.

We must see to it that the true source of growth, the towns, set the pattern.

Towns will become cities, and it'll be cities that determine the nature of a state and of a country.

- Will the gentleman yield?

- Yes sir, after one final point.

If the farmers are so jealous of the country, of the townsmen, let them send their own representatives to Congress to fight for the rights of the countrymen.

I submit to you that if our constitution does not mean that, it means nothing.

I yield to the gentleman from Alfred.

- Thank you, sir.

Mister President, gentlemen, we've heard all arguments.

We've heard that God has given a special right to the agriculturalists, and endowed him with certain virtues.

We've heard that the man of the town is a man of affairs, whose energy and lively mind bring about progress and growth.

All that is as may be, but the fact of the matter is we must combine the two.

Does anyone doubt that the mercantile and financial interests, if left to themselves, will turn selfish and predatory?

Can we doubt that the countrymen, if dominant will sow ignorance, and read bigotry and starvation?

The rich man needs no support.

It's in the nature of wealth to find such support, yet ignorance defeats all plans, all progress, even wealth itself.

The rich merchant may think to get greater control in the legislature, and thereby increases power over his fellow citizens.

What does it profit him if his fellows are thereby degraded, impoverished, brutalized?

- Does the gentleman mean to imply that rich merchants want all men poor but themselves?

- No sir, but I state that a selfish hue on the part of the merchant breeds poverty, as a selfish hue in the countryman's part, breeds ignorance.

Both together spell ruin.

- Very good, Mister Holmes.

What do you recommend?

At this point, the chair will accept any recommendations, which will expedite these proceedings.

- Mister President.

I put it to you that your desire for haste is suspect.

- [William] No sir, it is obvious.

We have no time for philosophical fancy.

We have to make a constitution.

Now, do we not want freedom?

Is that not the question?

Why do we talk of enslaving ourselves?

We are here to free ourselves from the bondage to Massachusetts.

- Mister President, with your favor, I shall conclude my remarks.

- Please do, I grow long-winded myself.

- Gentlemen, I beg you, let us not dwell on what might divide us.

We've come a long way, and there are ages of history yet to accomplish.

We voted to limit the number of representatives.

Now let us trust ourselves, and our fellow citizens.

If inequity arises, challenge it, change it, but let us now once and for all, assert to the country at large, that we trust ourselves singly and together, to do what is right, as right makes itself known to us.

Mister President, the question is before us in the form of a motion, and I call for that question.

- [William] The question has been called.

if there is no further discussion.

Mister Thacher, you have one minute.

- Mister President, that is more time than I shall need sir, if you can believe that.

I think we have heard a remarkable and compelling argument from my learned friend, Mister Holmes.

Let us make a state of men free, indeed.

Let us ask Mister Holmes to take to the Congress a petition, which shows the will of all.

Indeed, free men need not fear their fellows, when they have laws to protect them, and belief and trust to unite them.

Mister President, I join Mister Holmes in his call for the question.

- [William] The question has been called.

All those in favor, say aye.

- Aye!

(cheering) - [Narrator] It is done.

The flag of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts comes down the staff, and a new flag takes its place for good.

The old one is now only a memory.

Maine will be a state, and what was blood and passion and striving, becomes history.

Dawn coming up over America will be new, over a new state, the 23rd, a new star.

Let them all shine.

(dramatic organ music)